2012-06-29
Bloomberg News 發表了一篇揭露下一任中國國家主席習近平家族億萬家產的文章
Xi Jinping Millionaire Relations Reveal Fortunes of Elite.
不僅不向Bloomberg News 道謝, 並開始調查習近平, 中國共產黨反而立即在網路上封鎖 Bloomberg News 及有關習近平財富的搜尋. What is more,
Bloomberg provided a list showing the Xi family’s holdings
to China’s Foreign Ministry. The government declined to comment. Bloomberg 提供給中國外交部一份習近平家族億萬家產的資料. 中國外交部拒做評論.
為什麼中國外交部不替習近平辯護? 因為這些資料是有憑有據的公共紀錄!
看下面兩段關於溫家寶的報導:
Premier Wen told a meeting of China’s State Council on
March 26 that power must be exercised “under the sun” to
combat corruption. 溫家寶用語言反貪腐.
Premier Wen Jiabao’s son co-founded a private-equity
company. The son of Wen’s predecessor, Zhu Rongji, heads a
Chinese investment bank. 溫家寶和朱镕基的兒子都家財萬貫.
溫家寶該辦嗎? 看看 習近平:
Xi Jinping, the man in line to be
China’s next president, warned officials on a 2004 anti-graft
conference call: “Rein in your spouses, children, relatives,
friends and staff, and vow not to use power for personal gain.” 习近平，中国的下一任总统，2004年反腐败的会议上警告官员：“控制你的配偶，子女，亲属，朋友和工作人员，并发誓不使用权力谋取私利。”
His daughter, Xi Mingze,
studies at Harvard University in Cambridge, Massachusetts, under
an assumed name. 習近平女兒習明澤入讀哈佛.
而他的家族則累積了難以想像的財富.
Bloomberg News 全文在這裹:
Xi Jinping, the man in line to be
China’s next president, warned officials on a 2004 anti-graft
conference call: “Rein in your spouses, children, relatives,
friends and staff, and vow not to use power for personal gain.”
As Xi climbed the Communist Party ranks, his extended
family expanded their business interests to include minerals,
real estate and mobile-phone equipment, according to public
documents compiled by Bloomberg.
Those interests include investments in companies with total
assets of $376 million; an 18 percent indirect stake in a rare-
earths company with $1.73 billion in assets; and a $20.2 million
holding in a publicly traded technology company. The figures
don’t account for liabilities and thus don’t reflect the
family’s net worth.
No assets were traced to Xi, who turns 59 this month; his
wife Peng Liyuan, 49, a
famous People’s Liberation Army singer;
or their daughter, the documents show. There is no indication Xi
intervened to advance his relatives’ business transactions, or
of any wrongdoing by Xi or his extended family.
While the investments are obscured from public view by
multiple holding companies, government restrictions on access to
company documents and in some cases online censorship, they are
identified in thousands of pages of regulatory filings.
The trail also leads to a hillside villa overlooking the
South China Sea in
Hong Kong, with an estimated value of $31.5
million. The doorbell ringer dangles from its wires, and
neighbors say the house has been empty for years. The family
owns at least six other Hong Kong properties with a combined
estimated value of $24.1 million.
Standing Committee
Xi has risen through the party over the past three decades,
holding leadership positions in several provinces and joining
the ruling
Politburo Standing Committee in 2007. Along the way,
he built a reputation for clean government.
He led an anti-graft campaign in the rich coastal province
of Zhejiang, where he issued the “rein in” warning to
officials in 2004, according to a People’s Daily publication. In
Shanghai, he was brought in as party chief after a 3.7 billion-
yuan ($582 million) scandal.
A
2009 cable from the U.S. Embassy in Beijing cited an
acquaintance of Xi’s saying he wasn’t corrupt or driven by
money. Xi was “repulsed by the all-encompassing
commercialization of Chinese society, with its attendant nouveau
riche, official corruption, loss of values, dignity, and self-
respect,” the cable disclosed by Wikileaks said, citing the
friend. Wikileaks publishes secret government documents online.
A U.S. government spokesman declined to comment on the
document.
Carving Economy
Increasing resentment over China’s most powerful families
carving up the spoils of
economic growth poses a challenge for
the Communist Party. The income gap in urban China has widened
more than in any other country in Asia over the past 20 years,
according to the
International Monetary Fund.
“The average Chinese person gets angry when he hears about
deals where people make hundreds of millions, or even billions
of dollars, by trading on political influence,” said Barry Naughton, professor of Chinese economy at the
University of
California, San Diego, who wasn’t referring to the Xi family
specifically.
Scrutiny of officials’ wealth is intensifying before a
once-in-a-decade transition of power later this year, when Xi
and the next generation of leaders are set to be promoted. The
ouster in March of Bo Xilai as party chief of China’s biggest
municipality in an alleged graft and murder scandal fueled
public anger over cronyism and corruption. It also spurred
demands that top officials disclose their wealth in
editorials
in two Chinese financial publications and from microbloggers.
Bo’s family accumulated at least $136 million in assets,
Bloomberg News reported in April.
Revolutionary Leader
Xi and his siblings are the children of the late Xi
Zhongxun, a revolutionary fighter who helped Mao Zedong win
control of China in 1949 with a pledge to end centuries of
inequality and abuse of power for personal gain. That makes them
“princelings,” scions of top officials and party figures whose
lineages can help them wield influence in politics and business.
Most of the extended Xi family’s assets traced by Bloomberg
were owned by Xi’s older sister,Qi Qiaoqiao, 63; her husband
Deng Jiagui, 61; and Qi’s daughter Zhang Yannan, 33, according
to public records compiled by Bloomberg.
Deng held an indirect 18 percent stake as recently as June
8 in
Jiangxi Rare Earth & Rare Metals Tungsten Group Corp.
Prices of the minerals used in
wind turbines and U.S. smart
bombs have surged as China tightened supply.
Yuanwei Group
Qi and Deng’s share of the assets of Shenzhen Yuanwei
Investment Co., a real-estate and diversified holding company,
totaled 1.83 billion yuan ($288 million), a December 2011 filing
shows. Other companies in the Yuanwei group wholly owned by the
couple have combined assets of at least 539.3 million yuan
($84.8 million).
A 3.17 million-yuan investment by Zhang in Beijing-based
Hiconics Drive Technology Co. (300048) has increased 40-fold since 2009
to 128.4 million yuan ($20.2 million) as of yesterday’s close in
Shenzhen.
Deng, reached on his mobile phone, said he was retired.
When asked about his wife, Zhang and their businesses across the
country, he said: “It’s not convenient for me to talk to you
about this too much.” Attempts to reach Qi and Zhang directly
or through their companies by phone and fax, as well as visits
to addresses found on filings, were unsuccessful.
New Postcom
Another brother-in-law of Xi Jinping, Wu Long, ran a
telecommunications company named
New Postcom Equipment Co. The
company was owned as of May 28 by relatives three times removed
from Wu -- the family of his younger brother’s wife, according
to public documents and an interview with one of the company’s
registered owners.
New Postcom won hundreds of millions of yuan in contracts
from state-owned China Mobile Communications Corp., the world’s
biggest phone company by number of users, according to analysts
at BDA China Ltd., a Beijing-based consulting firm that advises
technology companies.
Dozens of people contacted over the past two months
wouldn’t comment about the Xi family on the record because of
the sensitivity of the issue. Details from Web pages profiling
one of Xi Jinping’s nieces and her British husband were deleted
after the two people were contacted.
The total assets of companies owned by the Xi family gives
the breadth of their businesses and isn’t an indication of
profitability. Hong Kong property values were based on recent
transactions involving comparable homes.
Identity Cards
Bloomberg’s accounting included only assets, property and
shareholdings in which there was documentation of ownership by a
family member and an amount could be clearly assigned. Assets
were traced using public and business records, interviews with
acquaintances and Hong Kong and Chinese identity-card numbers.
In cases where family members use different names in
mainland China and in Hong Kong, Bloomberg verified identities
by speaking to people who had met them and through multiple
company documents that show the same names together and shared
addresses.
Bloomberg provided a list showing the Xi family’s holdings
to China’s Foreign Ministry. The government declined to comment.
In October 2000, Xi Zhongxun’s family gathered on his 87th
birthday for a photograph at a state guest house in Shenzhen,
two years before the patriarch’s death. The southern metropolis
bordering Hong Kong is now one of China’s richest, thanks in
part to the elder Xi. He
persuaded former leader
Deng Xiaoping
to pioneer China’s experiment with open markets in what was a
fishing village.
Family Photo
In the
photo, Xi Zhongxun, dressed in a red sweater and
holding a cane, is seated in an overstuffed armchair. To his
left sits daughter Qi Qiaoqiao. On his right, a young grandson
perches on doily-covered armrests next to the elder Xi’s wife,
Qi Xin. Lined up behind are Qiaoqiao’s husband, Deng Jiagui; her
brothers Xi Yuanping and presidential heir Xi Jinping; and
sister Qi An’an alongside her husband Wu Long.
Xi Zhongxun worked to imbue his children with the
revolutionary spirit, according to accounts in state media that
portray him as a principled and moral leader. Family members
have recounted in
interviews how he dressed them in patched
hand-me-downs.
He also made Qiaoqiao turn down her top-choice middle
school in Beijing, which offered her a slot despite her falling
half a point short of the required grade, according to a
memorial book about him. Instead, she attended another school
under her mother’s family name, Qi, so classmates wouldn’t know
her background. Qiaoqiao and her sister An’an also sometimes use
their father’s family name, Xi.
Party School
In a speech on March 1 this year before about 2,200 cadres
at the central party school in Beijing where members are
trained, Xi Jinping said that some were joining because they
believed it was a ticket to wealth. “It is more difficult, yet
more vital than ever to keep the party pure,” he said,
according to a transcript of his speech in an official magazine.
His daughter, Xi Mingze, has avoided the spotlight. She
studies at
Harvard University in Cambridge, Massachusetts, under
an assumed name.
Xi’s elevation to replace Hu Jintao as China’s top leader
isn’t yet formalized. He must be picked as the Communist Party’s
general secretary in a meeting later this year and then be
selected by the country’s legislature as president next March.
Deng Xiaoping
Disgruntlement over how members of the ruling elite
translate political power into personal fortunes has existed
since Deng Xiaoping’s economic reforms began three decades ago,
when he said some people could get rich first and help others
get wealthy later.
The relatives of other top officials have forged business
careers. Premier
Wen Jiabao’s son co-founded a private-equity
company. The son of Wen’s predecessor, Zhu Rongji, heads a
Chinese investment bank.
“What I’m really concerned about is the alliance between
the rich and powerful,” said Wan Guanghua, principal economist
at the
Asian Development Bank. “It makes corruption and
inequality self-reinforcing and persistent.”
Public criticism is mounting against ostentatious displays
of wealth by officials. Microbloggers tracking designer labels
sported by cadres expressed disgust last year at a gold
Rolex
watch worn by a former customs minister. They castigated the
daughter of former Premier
Li Peng for wearing a pink
Emilio
Pucci suit to the nation’s annual legislative meeting this
March. Some complained that the 12,000 yuan they said it cost
would pay for warm clothes for 200 poor children.
‘Unequal Access’
“People are angry because there’s unequal access to money-
making, and the rewards that get reaped appear to the populace
to be undeserved,” said Perry Link, a China scholar at the
University of California, Riverside. “There’s no question in
the Chinese public mind that this is wrong.”
Premier Wen told a meeting of China’s State Council on
March 26 that power must be exercised “under the sun” to
combat corruption.
While officials in China must report their income and
assets to authorities, as well as personal information about
their immediate family, the disclosures aren’t public.
The lack of transparency fuels a belief that the route to
wealth depends on what Chinese call “guanxi,” a catch-all word
for the connections considered crucial for doing business in the
country. It helps explain why princelings with no official posts
wield influence. Or, as a Chinese proverb puts it: When a man
gets power, even his chickens and dogs rise to heaven.
‘Bigwig Relative’
“If you are a sibling of someone who is very important in
China, automatically people will see you as a potential agent of
influence and will treat you well in the hope of gaining guanxi
with the bigwig relative,” said Roderick MacFarquhar, a
professor of government at Harvard who focuses on Chinese elite
politics.
The link between political power and wealth isn’t unique to
China.
Lyndon B. Johnson was so poor starting out in life that
he borrowed $75 to enroll in Southwest Texas State Teachers
College in 1927, according to his presidential library. After
almost three decades of elective office, he and his family had
media and real-estate holdings worth $14 million in 1964, his
first full year as president, according to an August 1964
article in Life Magazine.
Orville Schell, director of the Center on U.S.-China
Relations at the Asia Society in New York, said the nexus of
power and wealth can be found in any country. “But there is no
country where this is more true than China,” he said. “There’s
a huge passive advantage to just being in one of these family
trees.”
Unfair to Xi
Yao Jianfu, a retired government researcher who has called
for greater disclosure of assets by leaders, said it wouldn’t be
right to tie Xi Jinping to the businesses of his family.
“If other members of the family are independent business
representatives, I think it’s unfair to describe it as a family
clan and count it as Xi Jinping’s,” Yao said in a telephone
interview.
The lineage of Xi’s siblings hasn’t always been an
advantage. Xi Zhongxun, the father, was purged by Mao in 1962.
Like many other princelings, the children were scattered to the
countryside during the Cultural Revolution. The 5-yuan payment
Qiaoqiao received for working in a corps with 500 other youths
in Inner Mongolia made her feel rich, she recalled in an
interview on the website of Beijing-based Tsinghua University.
After Mao’s death in 1976, the family was rehabilitated and
Xi’s sister Qiaoqiao pursued a career with the military and as a
director with the People’s Armed Police. She resigned to care
for her father, who had retired in 1990, Qiaoqiao said in the
Tsinghua interview.
Property Purchase
A year later, she bought an apartment in what was then the
British colony of Hong Kong for HK$3 million ($387,000) -- at
the time, equivalent to almost 900 times the average Chinese
worker’s annual salary. She still owns the property, in the
Pacific Palisades complex in Braemar Hill on Hong Kong island,
land registry records show.
By 1997, Qi and Deng had recorded an investment of 15.3
million yuan in a company that later became Shenzhen Yuanwei
Industries Co., a holding group, documents show. The assets of
that company aren’t publicly available. However, one of its
subsidiaries, Shenzhen Yuanwei Investment, had assets of 1.85
billion yuan ($291 million) at the end of 2010. It is 99 percent
owned by the couple, according to a December 2011 filing by a
securities firm.
It was after her father’s death in 2002 that Qi said she
decided to go into business, according to the Tsinghua
interview. She graduated from Tsinghua’s executive master’s
degree in business administration program in 2006 and founded
its folk-drumming team. It plays in the style of Shaanxi
province, where Xi Zhongxun was born.
Paper Trail
The names Qi Qiaoqiao, Deng Jiagui or Zhang Yannan appear
on the filings of at least 25 companies over the past two
decades in China and Hong Kong, either as shareholders,
directors or legal representatives -- a term that denotes the
person responsible for a company, such as its chairman.
In some filings, Qi used the name Chai Lin-hing. The
alias
was linked to her because of biographical details in a Chinese
company document that match those in two published interviews
with Qi Qiaoqiao. Chai Lin-hing has owned multiple companies and
a property in Hong Kong with Deng Jiagui.
In 2005, Zhang Yannan started appearing on Hong Kong
documents, when Qi and Deng transferred to her 99.98 percent of
a property-holding company that owns one apartment, a unit in
the Regent on the Park development with an estimated value of
HK$54 million ($6.96 million).
Repulse Bay Villa
Land registry records show Zhang paid HK$150 million ($19
million) in 2009 for the villa on Belleview Drive in Repulse
Bay, one of Hong Kong’s most exclusive neighborhoods. Property
prices have since jumped about 60 percent in the area.
Her Hong Kong identity card number, written on one of the
sale documents, matches that found on the company she owns with
her mother and Deng Jiagui, Special Joy Investments Ltd. All
three people share the same Hong Kong address in a May 12
filing.
Zhang owns four other luxury units in the Convention Plaza
Apartments residential tower with panoramic harbor views
adjoining the Grand Hyatt hotel.
Since its 1997 return by Britain to Chinese rule, Hong Kong
has been governed autonomously, with its own legal and banking
systems. About a third of all purchases of new luxury homes in
the territory are by mainland Chinese buyers, according to
Centaline Property Agency Ltd.
In mainland China, Qi and Deng’s marquee project is a
luxury housing complex called Guanyuan near Beijing’s financial
district, boasting manicured gardens and a gray-brick exterior
reminiscent of the city’s historic courtyard homes. Financial
details on the developer aren’t available because of
restrictions on company searches in Beijing.
Beijing Complex
To finance the development, the couple borrowed from
friends and banks, and aimed to attract officials and executives
at state-owned companies, they told V Marketing China magazine
in a 2006 interview. Property prices in the capital rose 79
percent in the following four years, government data show.
The site’s developer -- 70 percent owned by Qi and Deng’s
Yuanwei Investment -- acquired more than 10,000 square meters of
land for 95.6 million yuan in 2004 to build Guanyuan, according
to the Beijing Municipal Bureau of Land and Resources.
A 189-square-meter (2,034-square-foot) three-bedroom
apartment in Guanyuan listed online in June for 15 million yuan.
One square meter sells for 79,365 yuan -- more than double
China’s annual per capita gross domestic product.
Public anger at soaring housing costs has made real estate
an especially sensitive issue for leaders in China. Property
prices were “far from a reasonable level,” Premier Wen said in
March.
‘Playing Field’
The lack of a level playing field and unaffordable
home
prices mean “you can be cut out of the China dream,” said
Joseph Fewsmith, director of the Center for the Study of Asia at
Boston University, who focuses on Chinese politics. “Is the
rise of China going to last if you build it around these sorts
of unequal opportunities?”
Those with the right connections are able to gain access to
assets that are controlled by the government, according to Bo Zhiyue, a senior research fellow at the National University of
Singapore’s East Asian Institute.
“All they need is to get into the game one small step
ahead of the others and they can make a huge gain,” he said. Bo
wasn’t discussing the specific investments of Xi’s family
members.
One of Deng’s well-timed acquisitions was in a state-owned
company with investments in rare-earth metals.
Rare Earths
Deng’s Shanghai Wangchao Investment Co. bought a 30 percent
stake in Jiangxi Rare Earth for 450 million yuan ($71 million)
in 2008, according to a bond prospectus.
Deng owned 60 percent of Shanghai Wangchao. A copy of
Deng’s Chinese identity card found in company registry documents
matches one found in filings of a Yuanwei subsidiary. Yuanwei
group-linked executives held the posts of vice chairman and
chief financial officer in Jiangxi Rare Earth, the filings show.
The investment came as China, which has a near monopoly on
production of the metals, was tightening control over production
and exports, a policy that led to a more than fourfold surge in
prices for some rare earths in 2011.
A woman who answered the phone at Jiangxi Rare Earth’s head
office in Nanchang said she was unable to provide financial
information because the company wasn’t listed on the stock
exchange. She declined to discuss Shanghai Wangchao’s
investment, saying it was too sensitive.
Hiconics Drive
Qi Qiaoqiao’s daughter Zhang made her 3.17 million-yuan
investment in Hiconics in the three years before the Beijing-
based manufacturer of electronic devices sold
shares to the
public in 2010. Hiconics founder Liu Jincheng was in the same
executive MBA class as Qi Qiaoqiao, according to his profile on
Tsinghua’s website.
Wang Dong, the company’s board secretary, didn’t respond to
faxed questions or phone calls seeking comment.
The business interests of Qi and Deng may be more extensive
still: The names appear as the legal representative of at least
11 companies in Beijing and Shenzhen, cities where restrictions
on access to filings make it difficult to determine ownership of
companies or asset values.
Dalian Wanda
For example, Deng was the legal representative of a
Beijing-based company that bought a 0.8 percent stake in one of
China’s biggest developers, Dalian Wanda Commercial Properties
Co., for 30 million yuan in a 2009 private placement. Dalian
Wanda Commercial had sales of 95.3 billion yuan ($15 billion)
last year.
Dalian Wanda Commercial “doesn’t comment on private
transactions,” it said in an e-mailed statement.
Deng also served as legal representative of a company that
won a government contract to help build a 1 billion-yuan ($157
million) bridge in central China’s Hubei province, according to
an official website and corporate records.
Complex ownership structures are common in China, according
to Victor Shih, a professor at Northwestern University in
Evanston, Illinois, who studies the link between finance and
politics in the country. Princelings engage people they trust,
often members of their extended families, to open companies on
their behalf that bid for contracts from state-owned
enterprises, said Shih, who wasn’t referring specifically to
Xi’s family.
New Postcom
In the case of Xi Jinping’s brother-in-law, Wu Long, he’s
identified as chairman of New Postcom in two reports on the
website of the Guangzhou Development District, one in 2009 and
the other a year later.
New Postcom doesn’t provide a list of management on its
website. Searches in Chinese on Baidu Inc.’s search engine using
the name “Wu Long” and “New Postcom” trigger a warning, also
in Chinese: “The search results may not be in accordance with
relevant laws, regulations and policies, and cannot display.”
New Postcom is owned by two people named Geng Minhua and
Hua Feng, filings show. Their address in the company documents
leads to the ninth floor of a decades-old concrete tower in
Beijing where Geng’s elderly mother lives. Tacked to the wall of
her living room was the mobile-phone number of her daughter.
When contacted by phone June 6, Geng confirmed she owned
New Postcom with her son Hua Feng -- and that her daughter was
married to Wu Ming, Wu Long’s younger brother. Geng said Wu Long
headed the company and she wasn’t involved in the management.
Different Owners
New Postcom identified two different people -- Hong Ying
and Ma Wenbiao -- as its owners in a six-page, June 27 statement
and said the head of the company was a person named Liu Ran. The
company didn’t respond to repeated requests to explain the
discrepancies. Wu Long and his wife, Qi An’an, couldn’t be
reached for comment.
New Postcom was an upstart company that benefited from
state contracts. It specialized in the government-mandated home-
grown 3G mobile-phone standard deployed by China Mobile. In
2007, it won a share of a tender to supply handsets, beating out
more established competitors such as Motorola Inc., according to
BDA China.
“They were an unknown that suddenly appeared,” said
Duncan Clark, chairman of BDA. “People were expecting Motorola
to get a big part of that device contract, and then a no-name
company just appeared at the top of the list.”
In 2007, the domestic mobile standard was still being
developed, and many of the bigger players were sitting on the
sidelines, allowing New Postcom a bigger share of the market,
the company said in the statement.
Xi Yuanping
William Moss, the Beijing-based spokesman of the Motorola
Mobility unit that was split off from Motorola last year and
purchased by
Google Inc. (GOOG), declined to comment on details of any
individual bids. China Mobile “has always insisted on the
principle of open, fair, just and credible bidding” to select
vendors, company spokesman Zhang Xuan said by e-mail.
Xi Jinping’s younger brother, Xi Yuanping, is the founding
chairman of an energy advisory body called the International
Energy Conservation Environmental Protection Association. He
doesn’t play an active role in the organization, according to an
employee who declined to be identified.
One of Xi’s nieces has a higher profile. Hiu Ng, the
daughter of Qi An’an and Wu Long, and her husband Daniel Foa,
35, last year were listed as speakers at a networking symposium
in the Maldives on sustainable tourism with the likes of the
U.K. billionaire
Richard Branson and the actress
Daryl Hannah.
Hudson Clean Energy
Ng recently began working with Hudson Clean Energy Partners
LP, which manages a fund of more than $1 billion in the U.S., to
help identify investments in China.
Details about the couple were removed from Internet
profiles after Bloomberg reporters contacted them. Foa said by
phone he couldn’t comment about
FairKlima Capital, a clean-
energy fund they set up in 2007. Ng didn’t respond to e-mails
asking for an interview.
The two are no longer mentioned on the FairKlima website. A
June 3 cache of the “Contact Us” webpage includes short
biographies of Ng and Foa under the headline “Senior Management
Team.”
A reference on Ng’s LinkedIn profile that said on June 8
that she worked at New Postcom has since been removed, along
with her designation as “Vice Chair Hudson Clean Energy
Partners China.”
Neil Auerbach, the Teaneck, New Jersey-based private-equity
firm’s founder, said he was working with Ng because of her
longstanding passion for sustainability.
“We are aware of her political connections, but her focus
is on sustainable investing, and that’s the purpose,” he said
in a June 13 interview. “We’re delighted to be working with
her.”
To contact Bloomberg News staff for this story:
Michael Forsythe in Beijing at
mforsythe@bloomberg.net;
Shai Oster in Hong Kong at
soster@bloomberg.net;
Natasha Khan in Hong Kong at
nkhan51@bloomberg.net;
Dune Lawrence in New York at
dlawrence6@bloomberg.net
To contact the editors responsible for this story:
Amanda Bennett at
abennett6@bloomberg.net;
Peter Hirschberg at
phirschberg@bloomberg.net;
Ben Richardson at
brichardson8@bloomberg.net
