紐約時報: Market’s Echo of Tiananmen Date Sets Off Censors
HONG KONG — The Shanghai Stock Exchange produced an uncanny — and politically delicate — numerical result on the 23rd anniversary of the military crackdown in Tiananmen Square, an odd echo of a tragedy that China’s leaders have tried desperately to erase from their country’s consciousness.
The index fell 64.89 points on Monday, a figure that looks like June 4, 1989. In yet another unusual development, the index opened on Monday at 2346.98 — a figure that looks like the date of the crackdown written backward, followed by the 23rd anniversary.
Chinese censors, showing characteristic heavy-handedness, especially on anniversaries of Tiananmen Square, began blocking searches for “stock market,” “Shanghai stock” and “Shanghai stock market” and started deleting large numbers of microblog postings about the numerical fluke.
The Shanghai Stock Exchange Composite Index is calculated by adding up the market capitalizations of hundreds of different stocks and then converting it into an index with a value of 100 on Dec. 19, 1990. Richard Kershaw, the managing director for Asia forensic technology at FTI Consulting, a global financial investigations company, said that it would be almost impossible for anyone to coordinate the buying and selling of so many stocks so as to produce a specific result.
But hackers have targeted the computer systems at other stock exchanges in the past and Mr. Kershaw said that it was at least possible that this might have occurred in China. He predicted that the government would investigate, but added, “You can bet we’ll never hear the results.”
The fall in the Shanghai market was statistically plausible, as it worked out to a drop of 2.73 percent; the Shenzhen stock market, the Shanghai market’s southern rival, fell 2.84 percent on Monday.
Chinese culture puts a strong, sometimes superstitious emphasis on numbers and dates. The Beijing Olympics started at 8:08 p.m. on Aug. 8, 2008, a time and date chosen for the many “eights” — considered an auspicious number.
Even 23 years later, the use of tanks and gunfire to disperse unarmed students and other Tiananmen Square protesters remains a point of considerable acrimony in China and around the world. Security measures are tightened in China each year for the anniversary, while dissidents and former Chinese officials periodically give their versions of what happened.
The suspension of a populist leader, Bo Xilai, from the Politburo this spring and a subsequent series of reports of factional infighting and military maneuvers to prevent any attempt at a coup has underlined this year how tightly held power still is in China.
Liu Weimin, a Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman, expressed “strong dissatisfaction” with the United States on Monday after the State Department issued a statement on Sunday calling for China to free political prisoners still in jail nearly a quarter century after the crackdown.
“We encourage the Chinese government to release all those still serving sentences for their participation in the demonstrations; to provide a full public accounting of those killed, detained or missing; and to end the continued harassment of demonstration participants and their families,” Mark C. Toner, a deputy State Department spokesman, said in the statement.
In addition to people jailed since 1989, the Chinese government has detained an unknown number of dissidents or put them under house arrest in the last few days, part of an annual procedure ahead of the anniversary.
The local government of Tongzhou, an eastern district of Beijing, took the unusual step of publishing on its Web site a description of its precautions for the anniversary: “From May 31 to June 4, wartime systems and protective measures should be in effect, and security volunteers, wearing red armbands and organized by the collective action of neighborhoods, should be on duty and patrolling.”
The posting was deleted by early Monday afternoon, possibly because its blunt language had been reported in the morning by The South China Morning Post, a Hong Kong newspaper.
People began converging late Monday on a downtown park in Hong Kong for a candlelight vigil commemorating the Tiananmen Square crackdown.
Interest in the candlelight vigils here has waxed and waned over the years, often as a barometer of dissatisfaction in Hong Kong with the territory’s local government and with the Beijing authorities. Attendance eroded through the 1990s to 2002, jumped with the pro-democracy demonstrations here in 2003 and 2004, then eroded again for several years.
The vigils have picked up again since 2009 as inequalities of wealth, youth unemployment and other economic issues have come to the fore in Hong Kong and as retired Chinese officials who were in office in the months leading up to the Tiananmen Square crackdown have begun publishing their memoirs.
The memoirs of Zhao Ziyang, the general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party in the two years leading up to the crushing of the protests was published shortly before the 2009 vigil. A series of conversations with Chen Xitong, the mayor of Beijing in 1989 and a reputed hard-liner, were published last week, in which he expressed regret that a military assault had taken place, denied reports that he had played a role in organizing that assault and said that “several hundred people died that day.”
Organizers say that the vigils drew 150,000 people each year in 2009, 2010 and 2011, matching a level not seen since 1990. The police put the turnout for these three years at 62,800, 113,000 and 77,000.
Monday, June 4, 2012
Thursday, May 31, 2012
艾未未 被蒙面帶走81天
這像國家執法, 或像黑幫綁票?
紐約時報: First a Black Hood, Then 81 Captive Days for an Artist in China
BEIJING — The policeman yanked the black hood over Ai Weiwei’s head. It was suffocating. Written in white across the outside was a cryptic phrase: “Suspect 1.7.”
At the rear of a white van, one policeman sat on each side of Mr. Ai, China’s most famous artist and provocateur. They clutched his arms. Four more men sat in the front rows.
“Until that moment I still had spirit, because it didn’t look real,” Mr. Ai said. “It was more like a performance. Why was it so dramatic?”
On the morning of April 3, 2011, the policemen drove Mr. Ai, one of the most outspoken critics of the Communist Party, to a rural detention center from Beijing Capital International Airport, where Mr. Ai had planned to fly to Hong Kong and Taiwan on business. So began one of the most closely watched human rights dramas in China of the past year.
China’s treatment of social critics has been thrust back into the spotlight by the diplomatic sparring over Chen Guangcheng, the persecuted rights advocate who left here on May 19 for the United States. A blind, self-taught lawyer, Mr. Chen pulled off a daring nighttime escape from house arrest. Like that case, the tale of Mr. Ai’s 81 days of illegal detention, recalled during a series of conversations in recent months, reveals the ways in which the most stubborn dissidents joust with their tormentors and try to maintain resistance in the face of seemingly absolute power. No critic has so publicly taunted the Communist Party as Mr. Ai, even as security officers have employed a variety of tactics in a continuing campaign to cow him.
Despite warnings from the authorities, Mr. Ai, 54, uses Twitter daily and meets with diplomats, journalists, artists and liberal Chinese. This month, a Beijing court agreed to hear a lawsuit that Mr. Ai has filed against local tax officials for demanding that he pay $2.4 million in back taxes and penalties. Last month, Mr. Ai set up four Web cameras to broadcast his daily home life, his way of mocking the police surveillance that surrounds him. Officers ordered him to stop.
“His personality is, ‘The more you push me, the harder I’m going to push back,’ ” said Liu Xiaoyuan, a lawyer and friend who was also detained last year.
During the 81 days, interrogators told Mr. Ai that the authorities would prosecute him for subversion, Mr. Ai said. The three main interrogators worked in an economic crimes unit of the Beijing police, and their aim was to gather evidence to charge him with subversion, tax evasion, pornography and bigamy. (Mr. Ai has a 3-year-old son from an extramarital relationship.) They questioned him repeatedly on his use of the Internet, his foreign contacts, the content of his artwork, its enormous sales value and a nude photography project from 2010.
Mr. Ai’s eyes grew moist when he recalled how interrogators threatened him with a dozen years in prison. “That was very painful,” he said, “because they kept saying, ‘You will never see your mother again,’ or ‘You will never see your son again.’ ”
In two different centers, Mr. Ai was confined to a cramped room with guards watching him around the clock. The second site, a military compound, was harsher, he said: lights remained on 24 hours, a loud fan whirred and two men in green uniforms stared silently from less than three feet away. Mr. Ai got two to five hours of sleep each night. He stuck to a minute-by-minute schedule dictating when he would eat, go to the toilet and take a shower. Mr. Ai, known for his portly frame, lost 28 pounds.
But the authorities at the military center ensured that he saw a doctor four to seven times a day. He received medicine for his many ailments: diabetes, high blood pressure, a heart condition and a head injury from a police beating in 2009. Mr. Ai noticed the hard-boiled egg on his breakfast tray each day had a tiny hole; a guard told him the authorities were keeping samples of each meal in case he got sick or died.
Mr. Ai’s ordeal began the morning that police officers drove him from the airport into the countryside. He was marched into a building and pushed into a chair.
“Stand up,” someone said.
Mr. Ai stood up. A man whipped off his hood. “I saw this tall guy right in front of me,” he said. “This guy looked like he was from an early James Bond movie.”
Mr. Ai thought he was about to get beaten. Instead, the man emptied Mr. Ai’s pockets and took his belt. His right hand was handcuffed to an arm of his chair.
The first team of interrogators arrived much later, at 10 p.m. One typed on a laptop, the other asked questions. The main interrogator, Mr. Li, about 40, wore a pinstriped sports jacket with leather elbow patches. He said he had never heard of Mr. Ai until he did an Internet search.
...
BEIJING — The policeman yanked the black hood over Ai Weiwei’s head. It was suffocating. Written in white across the outside was a cryptic phrase: “Suspect 1.7.”
At the rear of a white van, one policeman sat on each side of Mr. Ai, China’s most famous artist and provocateur. They clutched his arms. Four more men sat in the front rows.
“Until that moment I still had spirit, because it didn’t look real,” Mr. Ai said. “It was more like a performance. Why was it so dramatic?”
On the morning of April 3, 2011, the policemen drove Mr. Ai, one of the most outspoken critics of the Communist Party, to a rural detention center from Beijing Capital International Airport, where Mr. Ai had planned to fly to Hong Kong and Taiwan on business. So began one of the most closely watched human rights dramas in China of the past year.
China’s treatment of social critics has been thrust back into the spotlight by the diplomatic sparring over Chen Guangcheng, the persecuted rights advocate who left here on May 19 for the United States. A blind, self-taught lawyer, Mr. Chen pulled off a daring nighttime escape from house arrest. Like that case, the tale of Mr. Ai’s 81 days of illegal detention, recalled during a series of conversations in recent months, reveals the ways in which the most stubborn dissidents joust with their tormentors and try to maintain resistance in the face of seemingly absolute power. No critic has so publicly taunted the Communist Party as Mr. Ai, even as security officers have employed a variety of tactics in a continuing campaign to cow him.
Despite warnings from the authorities, Mr. Ai, 54, uses Twitter daily and meets with diplomats, journalists, artists and liberal Chinese. This month, a Beijing court agreed to hear a lawsuit that Mr. Ai has filed against local tax officials for demanding that he pay $2.4 million in back taxes and penalties. Last month, Mr. Ai set up four Web cameras to broadcast his daily home life, his way of mocking the police surveillance that surrounds him. Officers ordered him to stop.
“His personality is, ‘The more you push me, the harder I’m going to push back,’ ” said Liu Xiaoyuan, a lawyer and friend who was also detained last year.
During the 81 days, interrogators told Mr. Ai that the authorities would prosecute him for subversion, Mr. Ai said. The three main interrogators worked in an economic crimes unit of the Beijing police, and their aim was to gather evidence to charge him with subversion, tax evasion, pornography and bigamy. (Mr. Ai has a 3-year-old son from an extramarital relationship.) They questioned him repeatedly on his use of the Internet, his foreign contacts, the content of his artwork, its enormous sales value and a nude photography project from 2010.
Mr. Ai’s eyes grew moist when he recalled how interrogators threatened him with a dozen years in prison. “That was very painful,” he said, “because they kept saying, ‘You will never see your mother again,’ or ‘You will never see your son again.’ ”
In two different centers, Mr. Ai was confined to a cramped room with guards watching him around the clock. The second site, a military compound, was harsher, he said: lights remained on 24 hours, a loud fan whirred and two men in green uniforms stared silently from less than three feet away. Mr. Ai got two to five hours of sleep each night. He stuck to a minute-by-minute schedule dictating when he would eat, go to the toilet and take a shower. Mr. Ai, known for his portly frame, lost 28 pounds.
But the authorities at the military center ensured that he saw a doctor four to seven times a day. He received medicine for his many ailments: diabetes, high blood pressure, a heart condition and a head injury from a police beating in 2009. Mr. Ai noticed the hard-boiled egg on his breakfast tray each day had a tiny hole; a guard told him the authorities were keeping samples of each meal in case he got sick or died.
Mr. Ai’s ordeal began the morning that police officers drove him from the airport into the countryside. He was marched into a building and pushed into a chair.
“Stand up,” someone said.
Mr. Ai stood up. A man whipped off his hood. “I saw this tall guy right in front of me,” he said. “This guy looked like he was from an early James Bond movie.”
Mr. Ai thought he was about to get beaten. Instead, the man emptied Mr. Ai’s pockets and took his belt. His right hand was handcuffed to an arm of his chair.
The first team of interrogators arrived much later, at 10 p.m. One typed on a laptop, the other asked questions. The main interrogator, Mr. Li, about 40, wore a pinstriped sports jacket with leather elbow patches. He said he had never heard of Mr. Ai until he did an Internet search.
...
逾九成中共中央委員親屬移居海外
高官紛紛把子女送往歐美, 或移轉財產
9成中共中委 親屬居海外
香港新聞組香港27日電
May 28, 2012 06:01 AM | 23043 次 | 0 | 37 | |
中國大陸官員家屬移民境外，被指是「裸官」。香港雜誌「動向」引述消息來源披露，中央最近曾展開一項內部調查，結果發現竟有逾九成的中共中央委員，包括子女、孫子孫女和兄弟姊妹等直系親屬已移居海外。
香港「東方日報」根據「動向」報導，大陸官方內部權威機構統計數據所指，截至今年3月底，第17屆中央委員會之中，204名中央委員中，187人有直系親屬在歐美等西方國家居住、生活、工作或已經加入所在國國籍，占91%；167名候補委員中，則有142人親屬已移居海外，佔85%；127名中紀委委員中，有113人親屬已移居海外。
報導還引述美國政府的統計數據稱，中國部級以上的官員(包含已退位)的兒子輩75%擁有美國綠卡或公民身分，孫子輩有美國公民身分達到91%或以上。
美國媒體紐約時報及華盛頓郵報最近連續報導指，中共高官紛紛把子女送往歐美名校就讀，或是移轉財產。另有專家學者分析認為這是中共高官自己都對中國的未來沒有信心。
Read more: 世界新聞網-北美華文新聞、華商資訊 - 9成中共中委 親屬居海外
=====
香港新聞組香港27日電
May 28, 2012 06:01 AM | 23043 次 | 0 | 37 | |
中國大陸官員家屬移民境外，被指是「裸官」。香港雜誌「動向」引述消息來源披露，中央最近曾展開一項內部調查，結果發現竟有逾九成的中共中央委員，包括子女、孫子孫女和兄弟姊妹等直系親屬已移居海外。
香港「東方日報」根據「動向」報導，大陸官方內部權威機構統計數據所指，截至今年3月底，第17屆中央委員會之中，204名中央委員中，187人有直系親屬在歐美等西方國家居住、生活、工作或已經加入所在國國籍，占91%；167名候補委員中，則有142人親屬已移居海外，佔85%；127名中紀委委員中，有113人親屬已移居海外。
報導還引述美國政府的統計數據稱，中國部級以上的官員(包含已退位)的兒子輩75%擁有美國綠卡或公民身分，孫子輩有美國公民身分達到91%或以上。
美國媒體紐約時報及華盛頓郵報最近連續報導指，中共高官紛紛把子女送往歐美名校就讀，或是移轉財產。另有專家學者分析認為這是中共高官自己都對中國的未來沒有信心。
Read more: 世界新聞網-北美華文新聞、華商資訊 - 9成中共中委 親屬居海外
=====
New York Times OP-ED CONTRIBUTOR
In China, Fear at the Top
By RODERICK MacFARQUHAR
Published: May 20, 2012
Friday, May 25, 2012
擺明了我就是不公不義的台灣司法系統 又一例
調查局長遭通緝的胞弟, 偷渡出境:
中國黨人是"高官-通緝犯一家親"，難怪屢抓不到！但抓民進黨人則是甕中捉鱉，每一隻都跑不掉。=====
CD Kuo
局長掩護弟弟偷渡？調查局嚴正否認- 中央廣播電臺新聞頻道
news.rti.org.tw/index_newsContent.aspx?nid... - Translate this page2012年5月15日 – 立委質疑調查局長張濟平掩護遭通緝的弟弟張高平偷渡出境，調查局公共事務室 ... 對於國安局是否掌握調查局長張濟平胞弟遭通緝並潛逃的情資，據 ...驚！調查局長掩護通緝犯弟偷渡？-政治要聞-yam蕃薯藤
n.yam.com/focus/politics/33889/ - Translate this page掌管政府緝拿通緝犯業務的調查局長張濟平，胞弟是逃亡海外的國安重案通緝要犯 ... 立委質疑調查局長張濟平掩護遭通緝的弟弟張高平偷渡出境，調查局公共事務室 ...局長掩護弟弟偷渡？調局嚴正否認(中國時報) - 風鈴夜語，蕭之華部落 ...
tw.myblog.yahoo.com/...--/article?mid... - Translate this page2012年5月15日 – 因公出國的調查局長張濟平，被爆料胞弟是逃亡海外的國安重案通緝要犯 ... 立委質疑調查局長張濟平掩護遭通緝的弟弟張高平偷渡出境，調查局公共 ...現任國安局長親自掩護犯貪汙罪之胞弟偷渡落跑廈門，現安居Canada..
estock.marbo.com.tw/asp/board/v_subject.asp?... - Translate this page4 posts - 2 authors - May 15立委質疑調查局長張濟平掩護遭通緝的弟弟張高平偷渡出境，調查局公共事務室表示，張濟平因公出國，無法取得其回應；但經初步調查，張高平早年 ...立委爆：調查局長弟遭通緝曾偷渡廈門- 新唐人亞太電視台
ap.ntdtv.com/b5/20120514/video/95867.htmlMay 14, 2012
立委爆：調查局長弟遭通緝曾偷渡廈門 ... 年涉嫌貪污潛逃的軍情局上校張高平，被查 到是現任調查局長張繼平的親生胞弟。 ... 立委問，通緝 ...香港大紀元-調查局長弟被通緝台法務部未掌握
hk.epochtimes.com/b5/12/5/15/157567.htm - Translate this page2012年5月15日 – ... 台灣調查局長張濟平親弟弟張高平，2002年擔任台灣國防部軍事情報局主計處副處長時涉及侵吞公款，已偷渡出境。（中央社）. 調查局長弟被通緝 ...通緝要犯張高平調查局長胞弟綠委踢爆 - 立法院
www.ly.gov.tw › 立法委員 › 邱志偉 - Translate this page2012年5月15日 – 立委邱志偉的最新消息相關資訊－ 通緝要犯張高平調查局長胞弟綠委踢爆. ... 綠委踢爆 調查局長張濟平胞弟張高平 2002年涉軍情密帳案 2006年偷渡出境 ... 前年七月就任調查局長時，還宣稱有信心在短期內將遭通緝的前立委何智輝 ...調查局長被控助胞弟偷渡潛逃 - 公共電視台新聞網
news.pts.org.tw/detail.php?NEENO=210111 - Translate this page2012年5月14日 – 調查局長張濟平2011年總統大選前夕，曾被民進黨陣營指控,涉嫌違法監控情 ... 軍情局主計處副處長張高平是親兄弟，而張高平2006年從南部偷渡出境時， ... 他們的兄弟關係我們當然會抓不到通緝要犯因為局長的弟弟就是通緝要犯 ...局長掩護弟弟偷渡？調局嚴正否認| MSN 新聞頻道
news.msn.com.tw/news2652480.aspx - Translate this page2012年5月15日 – 立委質疑調查局長張濟平掩護遭通緝的弟弟張高平偷渡出境，調查局公共事務室表示，張濟平因公出國，無法取得其回應；但經初步調查，張高平早年 ...張曉風促製高官「親戚表」李鴻源：沒規定要做| 即時新聞| 20120521 ...
www.appledaily.com.tw/realtimenews/.../123786 - Translate this page4 天前 – 民進黨立委陳其邁質疑，調查局長張濟平掩護遭通緝的胞弟張高平偷渡出境，包括警政署長王卓鈞與法務部、國安局列席官員都說，事先不知是兄弟 ...
Thursday, May 24, 2012
中國文化的賜與: 台灣 天殺的人治
Why at the same time, 法院對推積如山控告馬英九的案件完全置之不理?
〈金恒煒專欄〉天殺的特偵組！
特偵組，又來了！這回還是針對陳總統。尤其在馬英九民調支持度徘徊在十五至二十％之間的難堪以及五二○就職萬民齊罵下，特偵組「轉移視聽」（起訴書所用之詞）的手法，人民都嫌煩，特偵組自家嫌不嫌煩呀！
用侵占機密文件為名，實則掩蓋不住政治其內的齷齪；洋洋灑灑一百二十多萬字的起訴書，嚇誰呀？好像用字海就能清洗「扁偵組」的諡名！也好像三大冊、二二二一頁就能眩人耳目？
特 偵組沒有公佈起訴書全文也就罷了，叫人質疑的是，發言人陳宏達在記者會中大玩政治，一則雖然認定扁侵占公文是為了撰寫回憶錄，但實際上或說實質上要突出的 卻是：扁要蒐集前總統李登輝、前副總統連戰，親民黨主席等的資料，然後得出結論：「陳水扁犯罪目的，…，是將手伸入司法」。特偵組的這個說法、用語，哪像 司法人？簡直與叩應節目的名嘴或者爆料的立委一樣。聽得下去嗎？
先談昨天某晚報所謂的「黑資料」。機密文件沒有什麼黑白可言，為什麼會變成 「黑資料」？黑資料是政治鬥爭的工具，最擅長的是中共內鬥，最近香港特首選舉，梁振英陣營就宣稱取得「無間道」之稱的劉夢熊手中有關對手唐英年十年前的黑 材料。難道特偵組成了無間道？若真是「黑」材料，特偵組為什麼不以此法辦李登輝、連戰與宋楚瑜？把公文說成黑資料，玩的全是政治。
陳總統把 機密公文當「黑資料」用？如何證明？陳宏達明明說陳總統所持的機密公文「沒有外洩」；沒有外洩就是沒有使用，既然沒有使用，如何可以安上黑材料的罪名？陳 總統既然當下沒有使用，更證成是為將來寫回憶錄所用。更何況，多達一萬七千多件公文，與李、連、宋有關者只是區區，其他不是黑資料的資料，要用在哪裡？用 膝蓋想就知道。
總之，扁公文既沒有外洩，特偵組哪有證據能夠證實陳總統要當「黑資料」使用？這不只是誅心之論，也通不過檢驗，再一次暴露炮 製與羅織用心。從方法學上來看，這是理念先行，再找故事；這是先有理論架構，再把材料填進去；這是先射箭，再畫靶。連黑材料之說，都是黑白講，特偵組怎麼 可能推論出「想轉移本身涉貪的焦點」？至於指控「將資料作為扁家被偵辦的訴訟之用」，老實說，又有什麼錯？這不但合法也合理；扁即使沒有掌握這些公文，於 法也可請法院調閱。重點是，陳總統律師鄭文龍表示，扁案司法訴訟過程，他完全沒有看到也沒有用到這些機密文件。可見特偵組說謊不打草稿。
最 後談一下「扁將手伸入司法」。扁如果要把手伸入司法，執政八年為什麼沒有辦一個—一個都沒有—前朝官員？如果陳總統像馬英九一樣，多金的連戰、興票案的宋 楚瑜不鋃鐺入獄才怪。如果陳總統像馬英九一樣介入司法，在「他馬，的」特別費案中，把蔡守訓換下來，馬能全身而退？更要問的是，特偵組有沒有把手伸入政 治？特偵組成立的目的是「查緝黑金」，馬統政府貪官一堆，特偵組閉目不辦，卻偵辦與其職責無關的案件；機密文件與特偵組何關？徒然打出特偵組是扁偵組或綠 偵組的原形而已。 （作者金恒煒為政治評論者）
馬英九說: 中華文化中「善良」與「誠信」的
核心價值已融入臺灣的日常生活 II
五千年永恆的人治和獨裁, 這樣的中華文化很「善良」與「誠信」嗎?
法院對推積如山控告馬英九的案件完全置之不理
這樣的文化, 這樣的人民 很「善良」與「誠信」嗎?
法院對推積如山控告馬英九的案件完全置之不理
(See 台
灣極不公平的司法是人民最大公敵) .
媒體和人民對這麼不合理, 不合法的司法也完全置若罔聞.這樣的文化, 這樣的人民 很「善良」與「誠信」嗎?
馬英九說: 中華文化中「善良」與「誠信」的
核心價值已融入臺灣的日常生活
事實呢? 中華文化巳經把台灣改造成一個惡魔島:
- 1,744 個教授留下歷史記錄, 讚揚撤謊成性的馬英九 誠實, 清廉 和 正直.
- 在一個 有是非, 講道理 的地方, 馬英九和吳敦義都是可恨的罪犯.
他們現在是台灣的正副總統.
自由電子報- 社論集錦- 中華文化部？
iservice.libertytimes.com.tw/.../news.php?engno... - Translate this page1 天前 – 馬英九竟然把台灣的好人好事，也解釋成「都是因為中華文化中『善良』和『誠信』的核心價值，已經融入台灣的日常生活」，而不反思為何那些好人好事 ... 中華文化部？ - 你好台灣社區
big5.am765.com › 你好台灣社區 › 你好台灣論壇 - Translate this page11 小時前 – 馬英九竟然把台灣的好人好事，也解釋成「都是因為中華文化中『善良』和『誠信』的核心價值，已經融入台灣的日常生活」，而不反思為何那些好人好事 ... 馬演說提韓寒讚台灣人擁中華善良特質| 即時新聞| 20120520 | 蘋果日報
www.appledaily.com.tw/realtimenews/.../123562 - Translate this page4 天前 – 馬演說提韓寒讚台灣人擁中華善良特質 ... 眼鏡行老闆熱心助人的善舉，都是因為中華文化中「善良」與「誠信」的核心價值，已經融入台灣的日常生活。蘋果日報-即時新聞| 馬演說提韓寒讚台灣人擁中華善良特質
www.appledaily.com.tw/mobile/.../20120520 - Translate this page4 天前 – 馬並提起名人韓寒在台灣受到的溫暖待遇，認為計程車司機拾金不昧、眼鏡行老闆熱心助人的善舉，都是因為中華文化中「善良」與「誠信」的核心價值 ...台灣人的善良誠信來自中華文化？「整個中國社會都是人吃人」！（自由 ...
blog.udn.com/thegloberover/6484953 - Taiwan - Translate this page3 小時前 – 台灣人的善良誠信來自中華文化？ ... 計程車司機拾物不昧、眼鏡行老闆熱心助人，都是因為中華文化的核心價值已融入台灣的日常生活」，真是可笑。維護國家統一是最有特色的中華文化 - 中評搜索
www.chinareviewnews.com/crn.../allDetail.jsp?... - Translate this page但筆者搜之再三，除找到馬英九所說“台灣人民秉持正直、善良、勤奮、誠信、進取與包容的核心價值，以台灣精神完成改革，打造具有台灣特色的中華文化，是人民共同 ...大紀元- 馬英九就職演說：五大支柱打造幸福台灣
www.epochtimes.com/.../n3592981.htm馬英九就... - Translate this page4 天前 – 馬英九更提出文化國力的觀點，強調中華文化中「善良」與「誠信」的核心價值已融入臺灣的日常生活，令許多來台旅客感受到台灣人拾物不昧、熱心 ...馬英九就職演說裡的謊言 - 股市討論區
tw.stock.mb.yahoo.com › 股市討論區 - Translate this page2 posts - 1 author - 3 days ago英九認為，這些令人動容的善舉，都是因為中華文化中「善良」與「誠信」的核心價值，已經融入臺灣的日常生活。 中華文化竟然會有【善良】與【誠信】， ... 馬英九就職演説裡，最大的謊言是下面這一段- 你好台灣社區
www.hellotw.com › 你好台灣社區 › 你好台灣論壇 - Translate this page3 天前 – 英九認為，這些令人動容的善舉，都是因為中華文化中「善良」與「誠信」的核心價值，已經融入台灣的日常生活。 什麼時候中華文化有【善良】與【誠信】 ... 總統讚台灣善良再提韓寒經驗｜即時新聞｜中時電子報
news.chinatimes.com/.../11201205200044... - Taiwan - Translate this page4 天前 – 總統馬英九今天說，文化不只是藝文、創意與產業，也是人民日常生活。 ... 都是因為中華文化中『善良』與『誠信』的核心價值，已經融入台灣的日常 ...
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