中國人打籃球

Earlier in the game, Rocket forward Xu Zhonghao had approached Thompson while he was yelling instruction to his players and then began berating him. Thompson stared at Xu in disbelief before officials halted play for several minutes in the third quarter. Moments later, Bayi player Wang Lei was called for technical foul for arguing a call, and play had to be stopped again.

Fight ends Georgetown basketball exhibition in China

China Daily/Reuters - Players from the Georgetown men's basketball team and China's Bayi fight during an exhibition game at the Beijing Olympic Basketball Arena.

By Gene Wang, Thursday, August 18, 8:24 AM

BEIJING — What began as a goodwill trip to China for the Georgetown men’s basketball team turned violent Thursday night, when its exhibition game against the Bayi Rockets deteriorated into a melee during which players exchanged blows, chairs were thrown and spectators tossed full water bottles as Hoyas players and coaches headed to the locker room at Olympic Sports Center Stadium.
Georgetown Coach John Thompson III pulled his players off the court with 9 minutes 32 seconds left in the game and the scored tied at 64 after a chaotic scene in which members of both teams began throwing punches and tackling one another.

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The Washington Post's Gene Wang reports on the brawl that ended a basketball game between the Georgetown Hoyas and Bayi Rockets in Beijing after a Georgetown player was fouled.

More on this Story

• Video: Fight brings game to halt
• Fight ends Hoyas’ basketball game in China
• D.C. Sports Bog: Photos of Georgetown brawl
• Hoyas make cultural trip to basketball-mad China

Georgetown senior center Henry Sims had a chair tossed at him by an unidentified person, and freshman forward Moses Ayegba, who was wearing a brace on his sore right ankle, walked onto the court with a chair in his right hand. According to Georgetown officials, Ayegba had been struck, prompting him to grab a chair in self-defense.
It was the second time both benches emptied in physical game marred by fouls. By halftime, Bayi had 11 fouls while Georgetown had 28.
Immediately before the fighting began, Bayi forward-center Hu Ke was called for a foul against Georgetown’s Jason Clark. The senior guard clearly took exception to the hard foul and said so to Hu, triggering an exchange of shoves.
That’s when players from the Georgetown and Bayi benches ran onto the court, and bedlam ensued.
“Tonight two great teams played a very competitive game that unfortunately ended after heated exchanges with both teams,” Thompson said in a statement. “We sincerely regret that this situation occurred.”
A statement from Bayi or Chinese officials was not immediately available.
A woman sitting in the Georgetown fan section directly behind the bench implored Chinese police to try to calm the situation, saying someone was going to get hurt. The Chinese police had been watching the tensions escalate to the point of physical confrontations but made no attempts to break up any of the fights taking place on the court.
Before anyone was seriously hurt, Thompson said, “We’re outta here,” and pointed toward the tunnel behind the Hoyas bench leading underneath the stands.
As Thompson and his staff summoned players together and began escorting them off the court, the group had to dodge plastic water bottles being hurled from the stands. Once they reached the safety of the locker room, the team immediately gathered all its equipment and headed for the buses outside.
Members of the Hoyas staff were trying to find a police escort for the entire Georgetown contingent, including alumni and supporters who attended the game as part of a 10-day tour of China, fearing reprisals from Chinese fans. But rather than wait, Thompson told everyone to walk to the buses together.
Earlier in the game, Rocket forward Xu Zhonghao had approached Thompson while he was yelling instruction to his players and then began berating him. Thompson stared at Xu in disbelief before officials halted play for several minutes in the third quarter. Moments later, Bayi player Wang Lei was called for technical foul for arguing a call, and play had to be stopped again.
The initial sign of trouble came three minutes into the second half, when Georgetown sophomore forward Nate Lubick exchanged words with a Rockets player, and play was halted for the first time in the game.
“We remain grateful for the opportunity our student-athletes are having to engage in a sport they love here in China,” Thompson said, “while strengthening their understanding of a nation we respect and admire at Georgetown University.”
Georgetown was scheduled to depart for Shanghai on Friday morning for the final five days of its trip, but it’s unclear whether the team will do so.

馬英九: 落實「主權、人權、環境權」捍衛「世代正義」

馬英九:

落實「主權、人權、環境權」，捍衛「世代正義」

總統就職三週年記者會致詞

總統 馬英九

“過去3 年來，我們在中華民國《憲法》架構下，以「九二共識」為基礎，秉持「對等、尊嚴、互惠」的原則，積極改善兩岸關係，使台灣海峽從過去的軍事熱點，逐步變成和平的大道。...

 Luby:

馬英九的談話都自然地流露著 撒謊, 指鹿為馬, 空洞虛偽, 和毫無羞恥心.  落實「主權、人權、環境權」，捍衛「世代正義」 總統就職三週年記者會致詞  就是一個例子. 

標題可不是指鹿為馬嗎?  明明是永遠剝奪了台灣人的公投權卻敢談什麼 落實人權!

“過去3 年來，我們在中華民國《憲法》架構下，以「九二共識」為基礎，

秉持「對等、尊嚴、互惠」的原則，積極改善兩岸關係，使台灣海峽從過去的

軍事熱點，逐步變成和平的大道。

只說 對等 (equal):

• 中國用幾千顆飛彈來威脅我們.  我們什麼時候威脅了中國?
• 中國每分每秒欺負, 侮辱台灣人.  台灣人什麼時候欺負, 侮辱了中國人?

我們被中國人威脅, 欺負, 侮辱, 這很對等嗎?  See Taiwan, a land of unmatched absurdity / 台灣的荒謬無可匹敵 for more.
記不記得馬英九今年在靜宜大學演講時, 學生都呼呼大睡? 那是因為 撒謊, 指鹿為馬, 說話空洞虛偽, 和毫無羞恥心 的演講不是有趣的演講. 

Taiwan Echo:

提倡人權『攏係假』！馬英九縱容情治單位迫害人權 http://www.twimi.net/2010/10/blog-post_12.html

Rocky Tsao:

Let's watch again how Ma trampled on our human rights:  http://www.youtube.com/view_play_list?p=61EE9B7AF7997450.Forget NOT!

看中國人怎麼欺負維吾爾人

... a Muslim ethnic group of Turkic origin who until recently dominated Xinjiang but now form less than half the population.  (本地人變成少數民族)

But the newspaper recommends that soldiers from other parts of China be offered incentives to work in the zone—in effect, continuing a half-century Communist practice of resettling soldiers and other Han Chinese in Xinjiang.  (推動漢人移民)

Great swathes are the spitting image of any provincial Chinese town, with hardly a Uighur to be seen (見不到維吾爾人.  都是漢人) .  In older districts, Han faces are equally rare. In one Han area, a woman hands out leaflets advertising a big luxury-housing project. They are printed entirely in Chinese.

Tang Lijiu of Urumqi’s East-West Economic Research Institute says that creating the right kind of jobs for Uighurs is the key. “Because of their lifestyle, asking them to go into big industrial production, onto the production line: they’re probably not suited to that,” says Mr Tang, who is Han Chinese. Better, he suggests, to develop something like, well, basketball. That, Mr Tang says, might work in the same way that America’s National Basketball Association creates “more job opportunitiesfor blacks”. This kind of musing perhaps helps explain why the vast region of Xinjiang remains perilously unstable.  

經濟學人: Let them shoot hoops

China’s turbulent west is unlikely to be calmed by plans for economic development

THE situation in Xinjiang, said a Chinese foreign-ministry official in early July, is “good and stable”. Less than two weeks later, on July 18th, the restive region in China’s far west was again rocked by violence. Officials say police opened fire on separatist rioters in the oasis town of Khotan, killing 14. Two security officers and two people described as civilian hostages were also killed in the clash, the bloodiest in Xinjiang in two years. Recent government efforts to buy calm with dollops of aid do not appear to be working.
Exactly what happened in Khotan is uncertain. An exile group campaigning for Xinjiang’s independence from China said the police fired on protesters who had been peacefully airing grievances about police repression of Uighurs, a Muslim ethnic group of Turkic origin who until recently dominated Xinjiang but now form less than half the population. Officials say the police came under attack by “terrorists” armed with Molotov cocktails, bombs and knives. The assailants, says one official account, stormed a police station and unfurled a banner “promoting separatism”. Another account says they had black flags on which were written: “Allah is the only God. In the name of Allah.”

The incident must have rattled the authorities, both in Xinjiang and in Beijing, 3,200km (1,990 miles) east of Khotan. The previous large outbreak of unrest, an explosion of inter-ethnic violence in July 2009 in Urumqi, the regional capital, left some 200 dead. That shocked the authorities. For months they shut down the internet in Xinjiang, believing that limiting communications would keep a lid on violence. More recently, however, they have been showing signs of renewed confidence after Xinjiang’s Communist Party chief, Wang Lequan, much disliked by Uighurs, was replaced and the internet was switched back on (though still heavily censored). On July 5th, the second anniversary of the Urumqi riots, the new party chief, Zhang Chunxian, like all senior party secretaries a member of China’s ethnic-Han majority, visited a Uighur bazaar where he drank beer, ate kebabs and hailed diners with a cheery “Go Xinjiang!”.
Officials in Khotan had been celebrating too, with the launch at the end of June of the remote city’s first passenger-train service. This, they hope, will enable it to cash in on the boom now being enjoyed by Kashgar, 490km along the new line to the north-west. Kashgar has long been a hotbed of Uighur separatism, a problem the authorities have recently been trying to cure with a big campaign to turn it into a trading boom town in the mould of those along China’s coast. Just as prosperity has helped dampen demands in eastern China for political change, officials reckon it can also silence separatism in the west.
In Kashgar they speak of the city’s “leapfrog development”. Their model is Shenzhen, the grandfather of Chinese boom towns, on the border with Hong Kong. Kashgar, they say, is to become a trading hub and manufacturing centre that will tap markets in South and Central Asia and even Europe with a web of new roads and railways. Its new “special economic zone” (a concept pioneered by Shenzhen) will produce everything from petrochemicals and cars to halal food, they say. “In the east is Shenzhen, in the west is Kashgar,” is the new official slogan. Yet the gulf between the two is immense. Kashgar prefecture is one of the poorest parts of Xinjiang, which itself is among the poorest of China’s provinces. Shenzhen is China’s richest city.
Although he appears more affable than his predecessor, the new party chief is just as tough on separatists. Uighur exiles accuse the local government of tarring any expression of Uighur nationalism with the brush of terrorism. Mr Zhang, like Mr Wang before him, portrays Xinjiang as a target of an al-Qaeda-inspired jihad.
For every banner across Kashgar’s streets proclaiming its glorious future, a government poster or wall slogan in the back alleys paints a more troublesome story: injunctions against “illegal religious activities” and unauthorised pilgrimages to Mecca; posters calling on “ethnic separatist leaders, violent terrorist criminals, chiefs of religious extremist forces, serious criminals and suspects on the run” to turn themselves in; and urgings for citizens to report audio or video material containing “reactionary” content. In January Kashgar’s mayor, Maimaitiming Baikeli, said that the government should “gain the initiative by striking the first blow” against separatists.
Little evidence backs claims of terrorism linked to al-Qaeda. Violence in Xinjiang shows few hallmarks such as suicide bombings or attacks on civilian targets. Security measures in Kashgar hardly suggest a preoccupation with terrorism, but rather an attempt to keep the population cowed. On February 20th, during calls online for a “jasmine revolution” in Chinese cities, Kashgar police stationed water cannon near the city’s main mosque, while riot police lurked in a government compound. Plainclothes goons routinely follow and harass visiting correspondents.
Mr Baikeli has made active Muslims a special target of efforts to drum up enthusiasm for Kashgar’s economic plans. Their support is critical. Islamic traditions have seen a strong revival in Xinjiang over the past two decades. In Kashgar alcohol is rarely served in Uighur-run restaurants, and many women cover their heads. (The violence in Khotan, some reports say, was fuelled by efforts to curb wearing of the full-length chador.) Officials, the mayor says, should “propagandise the superiority of socialism” in order to bring the “thoughts and actions of the clergy and broad masses of the faithful in line with the excellent situation of big construction, big opening and big development.”
Irresistible. Yet Uighurs worry that any wealth that comes Xinjiang’s way will be grabbed by Han Chinese. Xinjiang’s economy has been growing at double-digit rates, yet Urumqi still erupted with violence in 2009. Unemployed young men from southern Xinjiang, including Kashgar and Khotan, were apparently prominent among the rioters. The authorities accused Xinjiang separatists abroad of stirring up the unrest. But a government researcher says economic factors were “at least half” to blame.

Xinjiang Economic Daily, closely controlled by the government, reports that Kashgar’s new zone could create as many as 600,000 jobs, a staggering figure given that only 460,000 people live in the city’s core urban area. The government speaks of training thousands of Uighur peasants to help them transfer to factory work. But the newspaper recommends that soldiers from other parts of China be offered incentives to work in the zone—in effect, continuing a half-century Communist practice of resettling soldiers and other Han Chinese in Xinjiang. The paper suggests that Kashgar’s only college be upgraded to a university and provide subsidised places for students from coastal provinces. It says wealthier cities and provinces directed to funnel aid to Kashgar (Shenzhen and Shanghai among them) should send some of their skilled migrant workers to the city. Officials speak airily of boosting Uighur employment by attracting handicraft industries to Kashgar’s zone—southern Xinjiang is famous for its carpets. But unless new markets can be found, such businesses will have few prospects.

The government hopes the new rail line between Kashgar and Khotan will promote tourism. But the experience of Lhasa in neighbouring Tibet suggests they should be careful what they wish for. In Lhasa efforts to attract visitors from the Chinese interior backfired badly when anti-Han rioting broke out in March 2008, triggering upheaval across the Tibetan plateau. The rioting was fuelled by resentment towards an influx of Han Chinese after a railway to Lhasa opened in 2006.

Luckily, perhaps, neither Kashgar nor Khotan have the same appeal to Chinese tourists as Lhasa does. A fear of terrorism puts many off. Still, Kashgar is already being transformed by migration, helped by its own first link to the railway network in 1999. It has taken on Lhasa’s appearance of a city divided. Great swathes are the spitting image of any provincial Chinese town, with hardly a Uighur to be seen. In older districts, Han faces are equally rare. In one Han area, a woman hands out leaflets advertising a big luxury-housing project. They are printed entirely in Chinese.

Urban renewal, or resentment?
Housing could prove a flashpoint. In 2009 the authorities launched a controversial effort to revamp Kashgar’s famous old city, with its labyrinthine alleys of mud-brick houses. Its 200,000 residents are nearly all Uighur. The government said houses would either be rebuilt in a traditional style, but proofed against earthquakes; or, if their occupants agreed, they would be demolished. The government would resettle these people in newly built blocks on the city’s edge. It said the space created in the old city would be used to widen roads and improve access for fire engines.
Yet urban renewal programmes anywhere in China stir resentment. In Kashgar they fuel suspicions that the programme is somehow aimed at Uighur culture itself. One Uighur woman says the old city’s residents are not convinced of the need to improve building safety. Allah, she says, will protect against earthquakes.
Back in Urumqi the government also hopes that slum clearance will help remove the breeding grounds of ethnic violence. Many Uighurs involved in rioting in 2009 lived in shanty towns. People from these are being moved into new, six-storey buildings. There, many enjoy running water and central heating for the first time. But only those who have lived in Urumqi for at least two years are eligible. In other words, the city is closing down a cheap housing option for the most impoverished new settlers, who often happen to be peasants from the south. This will hardly reduce social tensions.
Tang Lijiu of Urumqi’s East-West Economic Research Institute says that creating the right kind of jobs for Uighurs is the key. “Because of their lifestyle, asking them to go into big industrial production, onto the production line: they’re probably not suited to that,” says Mr Tang, who is Han Chinese. Better, he suggests, to develop something like, well, basketball. That, Mr Tang says, might work in the same way that America’s National Basketball Association creates “more job opportunities for blacks”. This kind of musing perhaps helps explain why the vast region of Xinjiang remains perilously unstable.
Photographs and an audio report on the Uighur people of Xinjiang

季辛吉是中國通嗎? (Book Review: On China by Henry Kissinger)

如果是, 他怎麼不拿 新華社, 中評網, 中央社, 聯合,中時, TVBS 來看中國文化的最顯著: 指鹿為馬, 卻談什麼孔子孫子:

According to Kissinger there are four key elements to understanding the Chinese mind: Confucianism ("a single, universal, generally applicable truth as the standard of individual conduct and social cohesion"); Sun Tzu (outsmarting: good; direct conflict: bad); ...

或者突顯中國人的特性: 不公平, 不講道理 (恨日本人欺負他們; 但是中國人欺負台灣人, 突搏人好得很.)

Several other episodes since have combined—rightly or wrongly, as Kissinger might put it—to turn Chinese popular opinion against America: Tiananmen Square;...

Kissinger recounts a chilly moment when, in the wake of the Tiananmen Square massacre, Deng tells him that overreaction by the U.S. "could even lead to war." More chilling were Mao's repeated, almost gleeful musings about the prospect of nuclear war. "If the imperialists unleash war on us," Kissinger recalls him saying, "we may lose more than three hundred million people. So what? War is war. The years will pass, and we'll get to work producing more babies than ever before."

You might like to read also: 美國智庫對中國人的15條評論, an addendum 
=====
Book Review: On China by Henry Kissinger

The mandarin emeritus sees China's future in its very ancient past. Christopher Buckley reviews

On China
By Henry Kissinger
Penguin Press; 608pp; $36

Oh, warm and fuzzy China: torturing and jailing dissidents, hacking into Gmail, cozying up to the worst regimes on earth, refusing to float the renminbi, spewing fluorocarbons into the ozone, building up its navy, and stealing military secrets—all while enabling America's fiscal incontinence by buying all those T-bills. The $1.1 trillion question at the start of what's been called "The Chinese Century" is simple: Friend or enemy? Frenemy?

While Henry Kissinger doesn't quote Mario Puzo, Don Corleone's maxim, "Keep your friends close, but keep your enemies closer," echoes throughout his grand, sweeping tutorial, On China. Kissinger has been the go-to China wise man since his first secret meeting there in 1971. And in the intervening decades, he's made 50-odd trips back, often carrying critical messages between leaders, defusing crises, or pleading with each side to understand the other's position. His perennial ambassadorship-at-large puts readers right in the room with Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, and Hu Jintao.

It also overflows with a lifetime of privileged observations. Here's a great one: Why did China invade Vietnam in 1979? To "teach it a lesson," Kissinger writes, for its border clashes with the Cambodian Khmer Rouge. But when the Soviet Union failed to come to Vietnam's aid, China concluded it had "touched the Tiger's buttocks" with impunity, he writes. "In retrospect," Kissinger explains, "Moscow's relative passivity ... can be seen as the first symptom of the decline of the Soviet Union. One wonders whether the Soviets' decision a year later to intervene in Afghanistan was prompted in part by an attempt to compensate for their ineffectuality in supporting Vietnam against the Chinese." As such, Kissinger asserts, the 1979 clash "can be considered a turning point of the Cold War, though it was not fully understood as such at the time." Of course! Just the proverbial game of dominoes—with the pieces very widely separated. As for the psychology behind China's extraordinary death toll in Vietnam, more on that in a minute.

While Kissinger can appear to be an apologist for—or explainer-away of—Chinese un-fuzzy behavior, he demonstrates a profound understanding of the impulses behind that behavior. And those impulses, he believes, go back many thousands of years. During a meeting in the 1990s, then-President Jiang Zemin wryly remarked to Kissinger that 78 generations had elapsed since Confucius died in 449 BC. By my count, there have been eight since the Declaration of Independence. Sort of puts things in perspective

According to Kissinger there are four key elements to understanding the Chinese mind: Confucianism ("a single, universal, generally applicable truth as the standard of individual conduct and social cohesion"); Sun Tzu (outsmarting: good; direct conflict: bad); an ancient board game called wei qi (which stresses "the protracted campaign"); and China's "century of humiliation" in the 1800s (karma's a you-know-what, Imperialists!). Actually, make that five: Wei Yuan—a 19th century midranking Confucian mandarin—developed the Chinese concept of "barbarian management," which was at the core of Mao's diplomacy with the U.S. and the Soviet Union. Now if only China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs would consider changing its name to the Office of Barbarian Management.

No, sorry, make that six elements: overwhelming fear of internal disorder or chaos. The resulting gestalt is absolute imperviousness to foreign pressure. Kissinger recounts a chilly moment when, in the wake of the Tiananmen Square massacre, Deng tells him that overreaction by the U.S. "could even lead to war." More chilling were Mao's repeated, almost gleeful musings about the prospect of nuclear war. "If the imperialists unleash war on us," Kissinger recalls him saying, "we may lose more than three hundred million people. So what? War is war. The years will pass, and we'll get to work producing more babies than ever before." While those grim and sincere words sound as though they came from the last scene of Dr. Strangelove, Kissinger reminds us that, during the first Taiwan Strait confrontation in 1955, it was the U.S. that threatened to use nukes.

Several other episodes since have combined—rightly or wrongly, as Kissinger might put it—to turn Chinese popular opinion against America: Tiananmen Square; the accidental 1999 U.S. bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade; and the Hainan incident in 2001, when a Chinese fighter jet collided with a U.S. reconnaissance plane and precipitated George W. Bush's first foreign policy crisis. Then there are more recent, obvious events. The collapse of the American and European financial markets, in 2007 and 2008, which stripped much of the luster off our image as the global economic leaders And that latter year in Beijing, when the world's Olympic athletes gathered in a proxy celebration of China's arrival as Washington coped with a distressed Wall Street, two quagmire wars, and three ailing auto companies.

Is Kissinger optimistic about future relations between the U.S. and China? In a word, yes and no. No, because of a disturbing, emergent "martial spirit" that envisions conflict with the U.S. as an inevitable consequence of China's rise—much as the Kaiser's naval buildup led to World War I. In this Chinese view, the U.S. is not so much Mao's famous "paper tiger" but, Kissinger writes, "an old cucumber painted green." In retrospect, I think I prefer being a paper tiger.

On a more upbeat note, Kissinger explains that despite its unprecedented economic ascendance, China has one or two problems of its own. Its economy must grow annually by 7 percent—a goal that would leave any Western industrialized nation gasping—or face the much-dreaded internal unrest. Corruption, meanwhile, is deeply embedded in the economic culture. "It is one of history's ironies," he writes, "that Communism, advertised as bringing a classless society, tended to breed a privileged class of feudal proportions." Then there is China's rapidly aging population, which may dwarf our own impending Social Security crisis.

Yet the Chinese may be better equipped, psychologically and philosophically, to withstand the coming shocks than the rest of us. A country that has endured 4,000 years of uncounted wars and upheavals, through the Taiping Rebellion of the 1850s (tens of millions killed), and man-made calamities such as Mao's Great Leap Forward (an additional 20 million) and the Cultural Revolution, is nothing if not resilient. Sun Tzu coined a term shi, which roughly translates to "the art of understanding matters in flux." Writes Kissinger: "A turbulent history has taught Chinese leaders that not every problem has a solution." In other words, shi happens.

It's hard to imagine a U.S. President holding such a view, much less expressing it out loud. But by the time one reaches the far shore of this essential book, there's little doubt that Henry Kissinger, historian and maker of history, Nixon consigliere, and Secretary of Barbarian Management, also takes the long view. Perhaps, from the heights on which he perches, it may be, for better or worse, the only view.

--

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论中国文化的反人性本质

作 為一種精神產物，思想觀念，“中國文化”從一開始就是反人性的，其具備神秘主義，專制，反智，愚民，暴力傾向等特徵。當然，在上古時代，並不是只有“中國 文化”才具備這些特徵，但是只有“中國文化”，才在以後幾千年裏將這些特徵發揮到了登峰造極的地步，並且完全沒有自新的能力，完全陷入惡性的閉環，一直到 今天。 其完全是一種早就應該被歷史淘汰的有害產物。

See 论中国文化的反人性本质 .

21世紀的中國將軍: 無論共軍, 國軍 都是中國軍隊

, 無論共軍、國軍，都是中國軍隊

共軍是中國共產黨的軍隊; 國軍是中國國民黨的軍隊.  無論共軍、國軍 都只是黨的軍隊.  不是國家的軍隊. 

為什麼中國將軍說

無論共軍、國軍，都是中國軍隊 ?

因為中國共產黨和中國國民黨都把國家當做黨的財產, 是謂黨國!

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   台军将领：今后不要分国军共军我们是中国军队! - 陆军论坛 - 铁血社区

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   2011年6月8日 ... 帖子主题：台军将领：今后不要分国军共军我们是中国军队! ...
   bbs.tiexue.net › 铁血军事论坛 › 陆军论坛
   

   台湾退休将领纷赴大陆民进党立委大骂是叛国 - 陆军论坛‎ - 2011年6月8日
   [原创]我眼中的国军、共军 - 中国历史‎ - 2011年1月1日
   

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5. 
   

   台退役将领传赴陆失言夏瀛洲罗援均否认_多维新闻网

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   2011年6月8日 ... 李贵发说：我的了解是，夏瀛洲这次到大陆参加这个活动，并没有发言，就是报纸上所登的这个“无论共军、国军，都是中国军队”，不是他讲的.
   taiwan.dwnews.com/news/2011-06-08/57786816.html
6. 
   

   台退役將領傳赴陸失言夏瀛洲羅援均否認_多維新聞網

   
   

   2011年6月8日 ... 李貴发說：我的了解是，夏瀛洲這次到大陸參加這個活動，并沒有 ...
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7. 
   

   台退役上将：今后不要再分什么国军、共军，我们都是中国军队。| 台湾万象 ...

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   20 篇文章 - 16 位作者 - 最新文章： 22　小時前

   台退役将领称台军共军都是中国军队马英九：会予谴责 ... 这年头，无论是做菜的还是做爱的，放心的肉是越来越少了，无论是婴儿喝的还是成人摸的， ... 当年共军为抗日，把帽子上的红星扯了换成青天白日徽当国军，现在为维护中国利益（例如 ...
   www.fyjs.cn/bbs/htm_data/254/1106/340481.html - 頁庫存檔
8. 
   

   傳赴陸失言？李貴發：夏瀛洲、羅援均否認-Yahoo!奇摩新聞

   
   

   2011年6月8日 ... 李貴發說：『(原音)但是我的瞭解是，他(夏瀛洲)這次到那邊參加這個活動，並沒有發言，就是報紙上所登的這個「無論共軍、國軍，都是中國軍隊」這個， ...
   tw.news.yahoo.com/article/url/d/a/110608/58/2sy6b.html
9. 
   

   台退役将领称台军共军都是中国军队马英九献血后接受采访是表示对此言论 ...

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   4 篇文章 - 3 位作者

   不分国军、共军，都是中国军队” 这句话,是非常不恰当的. ... 附：个人觉得无论是美国台湾的文官控军队··还是中国的党控军队···都是对军队势力的有效 ...
   bbs.guilinlife.com/redirect.php?tid=615842&goto=lastpost
10. 
    

    台退役上將登陸：國軍共軍都是中國軍馬震怒馬報：令人作嘔- 你好台灣社區

    
    

    2011年6月8日 ... 對老解少將羅援宣稱我高階退役將領説「兩岸不分國、共軍，都是中國軍隊」，● ... 退役高級將領的話説：「今後不要再分什麼國軍、共軍，我們都是中國軍隊。 ... 無論是台媒、台當局，還是民進黨的反應，顯然都是投資戰爭而不是投資和平！ ...

台灣人20年全面塑化

即使發生像塑化劑和三聚氫銨這樣滅絕自己子孫的事件, 中國人繼續對暴政保持沈默, 對中國文化(像筷子和粽子)讚賞有加.  在台灣的中國人會繼續在選舉時用他的選票來唾棄民主法治, 支持暴政.

one of Taiwan's leading chemicals company used a food additive on a dangerous scale over two decades, threatening the health of innumerable children. ...

And, closely resembling the 2008 scandal in which mainland Chinese company Sanlu added melamine, banned for use in foodstuffs, to baby powder to indicate higher levels of protein, the main victims in the Taiwan case are young children.  ...

Asia Times: Taiwan food scare 'dates back decades' 
By Jens Kastner

TAIPEI - A range of Taiwanese-made food products have been banned in mainland China and South Korea, and recalled in the Philippines, after the discovery that one of Taiwan's leading chemicals company used a food additive on a dangerous scale over two decades, threatening the health of innumerable children. Products involved are also shipped to the United States.

The scandal, involving the use of industrial plasticizer bis(2-ethylhexyl)phthalate (DEHP) in beverages, jams, syrups, jellies, calcium supplements, multivitamin tablets and other products, recalls the 2008 Chinese melamine scandal in terms of corporate greed and the risk posed to children's health.

Plasticizers such as DEHP are additives that increase a material's plasticity and are used in production of all sorts of useful things, such as leather goods, rainwear, flooring, wiring and cable, food packaging materials and children's toys. Last month, Taiwanese inspectors discovered that Yu Shen Chemical Co, the island's largest emulsifier supplier added DEHP to its clouding agent on a large scale.

Clouding agents, formulated with palm oil or gum arabic, are used to make processed foods look more appealing. When formulated with plasticizers such as DEHP, instead of with expensive palm oil, what's eaten and drunk looks even more tempting, and the chemical furthermore comes with the handy feature that it significantly extends shelf life. The downside to the scam, however, could hardly be any steeper: carcinogen in each contaminated unit inspected by the Taiwanese authorities topped 600 parts per million, exceeding by far the allowable daily intake of the chemical.

And, closely resembling the 2008 scandal in which mainland Chinese company Sanlu added melamine, banned for use in foodstuffs, to baby powder to indicate higher levels of protein, the main victims in the Taiwan case are young children.

Children who consume beverages contaminated with DEHP on a long-term basis are eight times more at risk of developing problems with their reproductive system. The males are more likely to suffer from feminization and shrinking of the penis and testicles when they become adults, girls are facing the prospect of premature development of their sexual organs. Thyroid dysfunction and fertility problems threaten these children later in life.

Another shocking aspect of the worldwide unprecedented DEHP scam is its duration: insiders told investigators that similar practices have been going on for as long as two decades.

Unsurprisingly, the revelations have led to panic among Taiwan's public and government. After an army of inspectors descended on the island's businesses that produce or sell food stuffs, including clinics and pharmacies, the scale of the scandal has become ever more shocking.

• Prosecutors allege that Yu Shen purchased as much as five tonnes of DEHP every month to make flavor and food coloring agents, selling the products to chemical and food processing factories, as well as to bakeries and pastry shops.
• A total of 130 food products were confirmed by the Food and Drug Administration to contain DEHP, while 95 manufacturers were found to have used the banned ingredient.
• A total of 244 ingredient-manufacturing companies, including several renowned brands, were found to have sourced clouding agents from Yu Sheng and Pin Han Perfumery Co, another emulsifier supplier alleged to have carried out a similar scam.
• A total of 40,000 kilograms of juice and jam, 980,000 bottles of tea drinks and more than 2,000 boxes of powdered probiotic products have been recalled. 
• 127.5 barrels of emulsifiers have been confiscated. 
• In Taipei, the sale of 3,448 products for which businesses could not produce certificates was suspended by inspectors.
• The island's four major convenience store operators - President Chain Store Corp, FamilyMart, OK-Mart and Hi-Life - have pulled all sports drinks from their shelves.
  

The problem is not limited to Taiwan. The island's DEHP-tainted stuff had been shipped to the United States, mainland China, Hong Kong, the Philippines and Vietnam. After the Department of Health informed health authorities in these countries, Presidential Office spokesman Fang Chiang Tai-chi stated: "The incident has not only caused great public concern, but will also affect the economy and have a negative impact on Taiwan's international reputation."

In terms of direct outfall, his statement at first glance appears to be no exaggeration. Companies are claiming their business has shrunk by 20% due to the scandal. Investors are turning away from food stocks and popular night markets, important for the tourism sector, have also seen sales decline significantly.

Taiwanese beverages, jams, syrups, jellies and other products suspected of DEHP contamination have been banned by South Korea and mainland China, and Manila has ordered an extensive recall of Taiwanese-made food and drink products.

Even so, while desperate Taiwanese parents line up at laboratories, carrying with them the products their children have been sipping for years, Taiwan's food and beverage industry accounts for a mere 4% of the island's domestic manufacturing output, which in turn contributes to about 25% of gross domestic product. In terms of exports, prepared food brought in only US$1.07 billion in 2010, and cosmetics and supplements are not even listed among Taiwan's 16 major export goods.

"The most damage will be done to the catering industry, manufacturers of food and beverages, convenience stores and, for a smaller part, also the pharmaceutical and cosmetics industry," Hu Sheng-Cheng, an academic at Academia Sinica's Institute of Economics, told Asia Times Online. Hu likened the DEHP scandal to a small-to-medium-sized typhoon in terms of economic impact.

"Those sectors' combined annual turnover accounts for NT$900 billion (US$30 billion), and only 10% of them is affected by the DEHP issue. If the scare lasts no longer than a month, the loss will be NT$8 billion to NT$10 billion."

Next to children's health, it is the public's trust in the government and in the "Made in Taiwan" brand that will be most negatively affected, he said.

And while some companies are being hit by the scandal, others can profit, according Huang Li-hsuan, professor at Taiwan's National Central University's Department of Economics.

"Because most of the products involved in the DEHP scandal are essentials and part of the Taiwanese public's daily lives, consumers' flexibility isn't high," Huang said. "So if we say DEHP decreases sales of this and that product, such as soft drinks, the public will use other related products like fresh juice, mineral water, and so on, as a substitute. In other words, in the short term, DEHP will make some businesses do worse but others better."

The danger of the DEHP scandal denting Taiwan's international reputation, as suggested by the Presidential Office spokesman, is also slim, according to Gary Rawnsley, a professor of Asian International Communications at the University of Leeds.

Rawnsley, an expert on public diplomacy and soft power, dismissed the notion that Taiwan's image abroad could suffer anywhere as much as China's in 2008 due to the melamine scandal.

"China's scandals have certainly been more prominent because they are Chinese and China garners far more media attention across the world than Taiwan", he said. The DEHP scandal "will have an effect on the manufacturers but not on Taiwan's image among the public around the world. The reason for that is it is not news here [in the UK] or elsewhere as far as I can see."

Jens Kastner is a Taipei-based journalist.