Thursday, May 31, 2012

艾未未 被蒙面帶走81天
這像國家執法, 或像黑幫綁票?

紐約時報: First a Black Hood, Then 81 Captive Days for an Artist in China

BEIJING — The policeman yanked the black hood over Ai Weiwei’s head. It was suffocating. Written in white across the outside was a cryptic phrase: “Suspect 1.7.”

At the rear of a white van, one policeman sat on each side of Mr. Ai, China’s most famous artist and provocateur. They clutched his arms. Four more men sat in the front rows.

“Until that moment I still had spirit, because it didn’t look real,” Mr. Ai said. “It was more like a performance. Why was it so dramatic?”

On the morning of April 3, 2011, the policemen drove Mr. Ai, one of the most outspoken critics of the Communist Party, to a rural detention center from Beijing Capital International Airport, where Mr. Ai had planned to fly to Hong Kong and Taiwan on business. So began one of the most closely watched human rights dramas in China of the past year.

China’s treatment of social critics has been thrust back into the spotlight by the diplomatic sparring over Chen Guangcheng, the persecuted rights advocate who left here on May 19 for the United States. A blind, self-taught lawyer, Mr. Chen pulled off a daring nighttime escape from house arrest. Like that case, the tale of Mr. Ai’s 81 days of illegal detention, recalled during a series of conversations in recent months, reveals the ways in which the most stubborn dissidents joust with their tormentors and try to maintain resistance in the face of seemingly absolute power. No critic has so publicly taunted the Communist Party as Mr. Ai, even as security officers have employed a variety of tactics in a continuing campaign to cow him.

Despite warnings from the authorities, Mr. Ai, 54, uses Twitter daily and meets with diplomats, journalists, artists and liberal Chinese. This month, a Beijing court agreed to hear a lawsuit that Mr. Ai has filed against local tax officials for demanding that he pay $2.4 million in back taxes and penalties. Last month, Mr. Ai set up four Web cameras to broadcast his daily home life, his way of mocking the police surveillance that surrounds him. Officers ordered him to stop.

“His personality is, ‘The more you push me, the harder I’m going to push back,’ ” said Liu Xiaoyuan, a lawyer and friend who was also detained last year.

During the 81 days, interrogators told Mr. Ai that the authorities would prosecute him for subversion, Mr. Ai said. The three main interrogators worked in an economic crimes unit of the Beijing police, and their aim was to gather evidence to charge him with subversion, tax evasion, pornography and bigamy. (Mr. Ai has a 3-year-old son from an extramarital relationship.) They questioned him repeatedly on his use of the Internet, his foreign contacts, the content of his artwork, its enormous sales value and a nude photography project from 2010.

Mr. Ai’s eyes grew moist when he recalled how interrogators threatened him with a dozen years in prison. “That was very painful,” he said, “because they kept saying, ‘You will never see your mother again,’ or ‘You will never see your son again.’ ”

In two different centers, Mr. Ai was confined to a cramped room with guards watching him around the clock. The second site, a military compound, was harsher, he said: lights remained on 24 hours, a loud fan whirred and two men in green uniforms stared silently from less than three feet away. Mr. Ai got two to five hours of sleep each night. He stuck to a minute-by-minute schedule dictating when he would eat, go to the toilet and take a shower. Mr. Ai, known for his portly frame, lost 28 pounds.

But the authorities at the military center ensured that he saw a doctor four to seven times a day. He received medicine for his many ailments: diabetes, high blood pressure, a heart condition and a head injury from a police beating in 2009. Mr. Ai noticed the hard-boiled egg on his breakfast tray each day had a tiny hole; a guard told him the authorities were keeping samples of each meal in case he got sick or died.

Mr. Ai’s ordeal began the morning that police officers drove him from the airport into the countryside. He was marched into a building and pushed into a chair.

“Stand up,” someone said.

Mr. Ai stood up. A man whipped off his hood. “I saw this tall guy right in front of me,” he said. “This guy looked like he was from an early James Bond movie.”

Mr. Ai thought he was about to get beaten. Instead, the man emptied Mr. Ai’s pockets and took his belt. His right hand was handcuffed to an arm of his chair.

The first team of interrogators arrived much later, at 10 p.m. One typed on a laptop, the other asked questions. The main interrogator, Mr. Li, about 40, wore a pinstriped sports jacket with leather elbow patches. He said he had never heard of Mr. Ai until he did an Internet search.

高官紛紛把子女送往歐美, 或移轉財產

9成中共中委 親屬居海外

May 28, 2012 06:01 AM | 23043 次 | 0  | 37  |  |



Read more: 世界新聞網-北美華文新聞、華商資訊 - 9成中共中委 親屬居海外


In China, Fear at the Top

Published: May 20, 2012

Friday, May 25, 2012

擺明了我就是不公不義的台灣司法系統 又一例

調查局長遭通緝的胞弟, 偷渡出境:
CD Kuo
  1. 局長掩護弟弟偷渡調查局嚴正否認- 中央廣播電臺新聞頻道 - Translate this page
    2012年5月15日 – 立委質疑調查局長張濟平掩護遭通緝的弟弟張高平偷渡出境調查局公共事務室 ... 對於國安局是否掌握調查局長張濟平胞弟遭通緝並潛逃的情資,據 ...
  2. 驚!調查局長掩護通緝犯弟偷渡?-政治要聞-yam蕃薯藤 - Translate this page
    掌管政府緝拿通緝犯業務的調查局長張濟平,胞弟是逃亡海外的國安重案通緝要犯 ... 立委質疑調查局長張濟平掩護遭通緝的弟弟張高平偷渡出境調查局公共事務室 ...
  3. 局長掩護弟弟偷渡?調局嚴正否認(中國時報) - 風鈴夜語,蕭之華部落 ... - Translate this page
    2012年5月15日 – 因公出國的調查局長張濟平,被爆料胞弟是逃亡海外的國安重案通緝要犯 ... 立委質疑調查局長張濟平掩護遭通緝的弟弟張高平偷渡出境調查局公共 ...
  4. 現任國安局長親自掩護犯貪汙罪之胞弟偷渡落跑廈門,現安居Canada.. - Translate this page
    4 posts - 2 authors - May 15
    立委質疑調查局長張濟平掩護遭通緝的弟弟張高平偷渡出境調查局公共事務室表示,張濟平因公出國,無法取得其回應;但經初步調查,張高平早年 ...
  5. 立委爆:調查局長遭通緝偷渡廈門- 新唐人亞太電視台 14, 2012
    立委爆:調查局長遭通緝偷渡廈門 ... 年涉嫌貪污潛逃的軍情局上校張高平,被查 到是現任調查局長張繼平的親生胞弟... 立委問,通緝 ...
  6. 香港大紀元-調查局長弟被通緝台法務部未掌握 - Translate this page
    2012年5月15日 – ... 台灣調查局長張濟平親弟弟張高平,2002年擔任台灣國防部軍事情報局主計處副處長時涉及侵吞公款,已偷渡出境。(中央社). 調查局長弟被通緝 ...
  7. 通緝要犯張高平調查局長胞弟綠委踢爆 - 立法院 › 立法委員邱志偉 - Translate this page
    2012年5月15日 – 立委邱志偉的最新消息相關資訊- 通緝要犯張高平調查局長胞弟綠委踢爆. ... 綠委踢爆 調查局長張濟平胞弟張高平 2002年涉軍情密帳案 2006年偷渡出境 ... 前年七月就任調查局長時,還宣稱有信心在短期內將遭通緝的前立委何智輝 ...
  8. 調查局長被控助胞弟偷渡潛逃 - 公共電視台新聞網 - Translate this page
    2012年5月14日 – 調查局長張濟平2011年總統大選前夕,曾被民進黨陣營指控,涉嫌違法監控情 ... 軍情局主計處副處長張高平是親兄弟,而張高平2006年從南部偷渡出境時, ... 他們的兄弟關係我們當然會抓不到通緝要犯因為局長的弟弟就是通緝要犯 ...
  9. 局長掩護弟弟偷渡?調局嚴正否認| MSN 新聞頻道 - Translate this page
    2012年5月15日 – 立委質疑調查局長張濟平掩護遭通緝的弟弟張高平偷渡出境調查局公共事務室表示,張濟平因公出國,無法取得其回應;但經初步調查,張高平早年 ...
  10. 張曉風促製高官「親戚表」李鴻源:沒規定要做| 即時新聞| 20120521 ... - Translate this page
    4 天前 – 民進黨立委陳其邁質疑,調查局長張濟平掩護遭通緝的胞弟張高平偷渡出境,包括警政署長王卓鈞與法務部、國安局列席官員都說,事先不知是兄弟 ...

Thursday, May 24, 2012

中國文化的賜與: 台灣 天殺的人治

Why at the same time, 法院如山控告案件完全置之不理?

特 偵組沒有公佈起訴書全文也就罷了,叫人質疑的是,發言人陳宏達在記者會中大玩政治,一則雖然認定扁侵占公文是為了撰寫回憶錄,但實際上或說實質上要突出的 卻是:扁要蒐集前總統李登輝、前副總統連戰,親民黨主席等的資料,然後得出結論:「陳水扁犯罪目的,…,是將手伸入司法」。特偵組的這個說法、用語,哪像 司法人?簡直與叩應節目的名嘴或者爆料的立委一樣。聽得下去嗎?
先談昨天某晚報所謂的「黑資料」。機密文件沒有什麼黑白可言,為什麼會變成 「黑資料」?黑資料是政治鬥爭的工具,最擅長的是中共內鬥,最近香港特首選舉,梁振英陣營就宣稱取得「無間道」之稱的劉夢熊手中有關對手唐英年十年前的黑 材料。難道特偵組成了無間道?若真是「黑」材料,特偵組為什麼不以此法辦李登輝、連戰與宋楚瑜?把公文說成黑資料,玩的全是政治。
陳總統把 機密公文當「黑資料」用?如何證明?陳宏達明明說陳總統所持的機密公文「沒有外洩」;沒有外洩就是沒有使用,既然沒有使用,如何可以安上黑材料的罪名?陳 總統既然當下沒有使用,更證成是為將來寫回憶錄所用。更何況,多達一萬七千多件公文,與李、連、宋有關者只是區區,其他不是黑資料的資料,要用在哪裡?用 膝蓋想就知道。
總之,扁公文既沒有外洩,特偵組哪有證據能夠證實陳總統要當「黑資料」使用?這不只是誅心之論,也通不過檢驗,再一次暴露炮 製與羅織用心。從方法學上來看,這是理念先行,再找故事;這是先有理論架構,再把材料填進去;這是先射箭,再畫靶。連黑材料之說,都是黑白講,特偵組怎麼 可能推論出「想轉移本身涉貪的焦點」?至於指控「將資料作為扁家被偵辦的訴訟之用」,老實說,又有什麼錯?這不但合法也合理;扁即使沒有掌握這些公文,於 法也可請法院調閱。重點是,陳總統律師鄭文龍表示,扁案司法訴訟過程,他完全沒有看到也沒有用到這些機密文件。可見特偵組說謊不打草稿。
最 後談一下「扁將手伸入司法」。扁如果要把手伸入司法,執政八年為什麼沒有辦一個—一個都沒有—前朝官員?如果陳總統像馬英九一樣,多金的連戰、興票案的宋 楚瑜不鋃鐺入獄才怪。如果陳總統像馬英九一樣介入司法,在「他馬,的」特別費案中,把蔡守訓換下來,馬能全身而退?更要問的是,特偵組有沒有把手伸入政 治?特偵組成立的目的是「查緝黑金」,馬統政府貪官一堆,特偵組閉目不辦,卻偵辦與其職責無關的案件;機密文件與特偵組何關?徒然打出特偵組是扁偵組或綠 偵組的原形而已。 (作者金恒煒為政治評論者)

馬英九說: 中華文化中「善良」與「誠信」的
核心價值已融入臺灣的日常生活 II

五千年永恆的人治和獨裁,  這樣的中華文化很「善良」與「誠信」嗎?
 (See 台 灣極不公平司法是人民最大公敵) .
媒體和人民這麼不合理, 不合法司法也完全置若罔聞.

這樣的文化, 這樣的人民 很「善良」與「誠信」嗎?

馬英九說: 中華文化中「善良」與「誠信」的

事實呢? 中華文化巳經把台灣改造成一個惡魔島:
  1. 自由電子報- 社論集錦- 中華文化部? - Translate this page
    1 天前 – 馬英九竟然把台灣的好人好事,也解釋成「都是因為中華文化中『善良』和『誠信』的核心價值,已經融入台灣的日常生活」,而不反思為何那些好人好事 ...
  2. 中華文化部? - 你好台灣社區

    11 小時前 – 馬英九竟然把台灣的好人好事,也解釋成「都是因為中華文化中『善良』和『誠信』的核心價值,已經融入台灣的日常生活」,而不反思為何那些好人好事 ...
  3. 馬演說提韓寒讚台灣人擁中華善良特質| 即時新聞| 20120520 | 蘋果日報 - Translate this page
    4 天前 – 馬演說提韓寒讚台灣人擁中華善良特質 ... 眼鏡行老闆熱心助人的善舉,都是因為中華文化中「善良」與「誠信」的核心價值,已經融入台灣的日常生活。
  4. 蘋果日報-即時新聞| 馬演說提韓寒讚台灣人擁中華善良特質 - Translate this page
    4 天前 – 馬並提起名人韓寒在台灣受到的溫暖待遇,認為計程車司機拾金不昧、眼鏡行老闆熱心助人的善舉,都是因為中華文化中「善良」與「誠信」的核心價值 ...
  5. 台灣人的善良誠信來自中華文化?「整個中國社會都是人吃人」!(自由 ... - Taiwan - Translate this page
    3 小時前 – 台灣人的善良誠信來自中華文化... 計程車司機拾物不昧、眼鏡行老闆熱心助人,都是因為中華文化核心價值已融入台灣的日常生活」,真是可笑。
  6. 維護國家統一是最有特色的中華文化 - 中評搜索 - Translate this page
    但筆者搜之再三,除找到馬英九所說“台灣人民秉持正直、善良、勤奮、誠信、進取與包容的核心價值,以台灣精神完成改革,打造具有台灣特色的中華文化,是人民共同 ...
  7. 大紀元- 馬英九就職演說:五大支柱打造幸福台灣馬英九就... - Translate this page
    4 天前 – 馬英九更提出文化國力的觀點,強調中華文化中「善良」與「誠信」的核心價值已融入臺灣的日常生活,令許多來台旅客感受到台灣人拾物不昧、熱心 ...
  8. 馬英九就職演說裡的謊言 - 股市討論區 › 股市討論區 - Translate this page
    2 posts - 1 author - 3 days ago
    英九認為,這些令人動容的善舉,都是因為中華文化中「善良」與「誠信」的核心價值已經融入臺灣的日常生活。 中華文化竟然會有【善良】與【誠信】, ...
  9. 馬英九就職演説裡,最大的謊言是下面這一段- 你好台灣社區

    3 天前 – 英九認為,這些令人動容的善舉,都是因為中華文化中「善良」與「誠信」的核心價值已經融入台灣的日常生活。 什麼時候中華文化有【善良】與【誠信...
  10. 總統讚台灣善良再提韓寒經驗|即時新聞|中時電子報 - Taiwan - Translate this page
    4 天前 – 總統馬英九今天說,文化不只是藝文、創意與產業,也是人民日常生活。 ... 都是因為中華文化中『善良』與『誠信』的核心價值,已經融入台灣的日常 ...

Friday, May 18, 2012

比起溫家寶, 江澤民, 胡錦濤, 他是米老鼠

紐約時報: ‘Princelings’ in China Use Family Ties to Gain Riches

SHANGHAI — The Hollywood studio DreamWorks Animation recently announced a bold move to crack China’s tightly protected film industry: a $330 million deal to create a Shanghai animation studio that might one day rival the California shops that turn out hits like “Kung Fu Panda” and “The Incredibles.” 

What DreamWorks did not showcase, however, was one of its newest — and most important — Chinese partners: Jiang Mianheng, the 61-year-old son of Jiang Zemin, the former Communist Party leader and the most powerful political kingmaker of China’s last two decades.
The younger Mr. Jiang’s coups have included ventures with Microsoft and Nokia and oversight of a clutch of state-backed investment vehicles that have major interests in telecommunications, semiconductors and construction projects.
That a dealmaker like Mr. Jiang would be included in an undertaking like that of DreamWorks is almost a given in today’s China. Analysts say this is how the Communist Party shares the spoils, allowing the relatives of senior leaders to cash in on one of the biggest economic booms in history.
As the scandal over Bo Xilai continues to reverberate, the authorities here are eager to paint Mr. Bo, a fallen leader who was one of 25 members of China’s ruling Politburo, as a rogue operator who abused his power, even as his family members accumulated a substantial fortune.
But evidence is mounting that the relatives of other current and former senior officials have also amassed vast wealth, often playing central roles in businesses closely entwined with the state, including those involved in finance, energy, domestic security, telecommunications and entertainment. Many of these so-called princelings also serve as middlemen to a host of global companies and wealthy tycoons eager to do business in China.
“Whenever there is something profitable that emerges in the economy, they’ll be at the front of the queue,” said Minxin Pei, an expert on China’s leadership and professor of government at Claremont McKenna College in California. “They’ve gotten into private equity, state-owned enterprises, natural resources — you name it.”
For example, Wen Yunsong, the son of Prime Minister Wen Jiabao, heads a state-owned company that boasts that it will soon be Asia’s largest satellite communications operator. President Hu Jintao’s son, Hu Haifeng, once managed a state-controlled firm that held a monopoly on security scanners used in China’s airports, shipping ports and subway stations. And in 2006, Feng Shaodong, the son-in-law of Wu Bangguo, the party’s second-ranking official, helped Merrill Lynch win a deal to arrange the $22 billion public listing of the giant state-run bank I.C.B.C., in what became the world’s largest initial public stock offering.
Much of the income earned by families of senior leaders may be entirely legal. But it is all but impossible to distinguish between legitimate and ill-gotten gains because there is no public disclosure of the wealth of officials and their relatives. Conflict-of-interest laws are weak or nonexistent. And the business dealings of the political elite are heavily censored in the state-controlled news media.
The spoils system, for all the efforts to keep a lid on it, poses a fundamental challenge to the legitimacy of the Communist Party. As the state’s business has become increasingly intertwined with a class of families sometimes called the Red Nobility, analysts say the potential exists for a backlash against an increasingly entrenched elite. They also point to the risk that national policies may be subverted by leaders and former leaders, many of whom exert influence long after their retirement, acting to protect their own interests.
Chinese officials and their relatives rarely discuss such a delicate issue publicly. The New York Times made repeated attempts to reach public officials and their relatives for this article, often through their companies. None of those reached agreed to comment on the record.
DreamWorks and Microsoft declined to comment about their relationship with Mr. Jiang. ...

Saturday, May 12, 2012

從薄熙来案看中國的 人治 暴政

Xi Jinping, the vice president who is expected to replace Hu Jintao as the president of China, praised the crackdown and toured a museum exhibition dedicated to the campaign when he visited Chongqing in December 2010, according to a report at the time by Xinhua, the state news agency. The report has since been removed from Xinhua’s Web site.
A law professor at Chongqing University, Chen Zhonglin, said the problems of “da hei” had been exaggerated. For one thing, he said, law enforcement officials had brought in lawyers from across China to ensure defendants had proper representation. “I’m not saying there were no problems during the ‘da hei’ campaign,” he said, “but they weren’t as serious as in other places.”

紐約時報: Ex-Official’s Drive in China Leads to Torture Inquiry

Gilles Sabrie for The New York Times
People played cards in Chongqing, China, against a backdrop of propaganda posters including one showing a policewoman. Chinese officials are investigating an anticrime initiative in the city.

CHONGQING, China — Police officers here are being investigated over whether they used torture and other questionable methods to obtain evidence during a so-called anticrime campaign overseen by Bo Xilai, the deposed Chinese leader who for four years ran the party machinery in this fog-shrouded western metropolis. 
The review of police actions was revealed in interviews with a lawyer in Beijing and a person in Chongqing with ties to police officials. It appears to be part of a deeper critical look at Mr. Bo’s reign in Chongqing and could be used to further tarnish his reputation.
The investigation, which has not been previously disclosed, formally began April 25, when Liu Guanglei, a top Chongqing party official in charge of the politics and law committee, said at a gathering of mid- and senior-level police officials that any officer who had tortured suspects during Mr. Bo’s campaign should admit to doing so. Mr. Liu told the group that if an officer were found later to have committed torture but had not been forthcoming, then the officer would be severely punished, according to the person with police ties, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the delicate nature of the scandal surrounding Mr. Bo.
Mr. Bo’s campaign, called “strike black” or “smash the black,” was rolled out in June 2009 to great fanfare and engineered by Wang Lijun, a police officer from northeast China whom Mr. Bo had installed as the police chief here after he became party secretary in late 2007. Mr. Bo and Mr. Wang said the campaign was aimed at destroying crime gangs and their supporters in Chongqing, but critics and some people convicted during that time say the campaign was at least partly a cover to tear down Mr. Bo’s enemies and undermine private entrepreneurs.
But any inquiry into Mr. Bo’s actions before he was removed from his party chief post in Chongqing in March and suspended from the 25-member Politburo in April could become a tricky issue for senior party officials. Though Mr. Bo is being investigated by Beijing for “serious disciplinary violations,” officials looking specifically at the anticrime crackdown must tread carefully because several of China’s top leaders made a trip to Chongqing around the time of the campaign and publicly praised Mr. Bo for his efforts.
Xi Jinping, the vice president who is expected to replace Hu Jintao as the president of China, praised the crackdown and toured a museum exhibition dedicated to the campaign when he visited Chongqing in December 2010, according to a report at the time by Xinhua, the state news agency. The report has since been removed from Xinhua’s Web site.
With Mr. Bo’s purge, some victims of the “strike black” campaign, known as “da hei” in Chinese, have begun speaking publicly about being tortured, denied their rights and forced to endure horrendous prison conditions. Before he was taken into custody, Mr. Bo publicly defended the campaign, and many people here say Chongqing benefited from it. Nearly 4,800 people were arrested over 10 months.
“The gangs were bullying ordinary people,” said Qi Guoping, a resident. “The businesspeople were protecting them and trampling on poor people.”
A law professor at Chongqing University, Chen Zhonglin, said the problems of “da hei” had been exaggerated. For one thing, he said, law enforcement officials had brought in lawyers from across China to ensure defendants had proper representation. “I’m not saying there were no problems during the ‘da hei’ campaign,” he said, “but they weren’t as serious as in other places.”
Mr. Liu, who ordered the police inquiry, had been the police chief before Mr. Bo replaced him with Mr. Wang. Mr. Liu once worked under Mr. Hu, China’s top leader, and was said to be one target of a widespread wiretapping campaign run by Mr. Bo and Mr. Wang.
Some people persecuted during “da hei” were lawyers trying to defend those facing criminal charges. One lawyer in Chongqing who represented Gong Gangmo, a motorbike mogul, has told friends he was detained by the police for 30 days and regularly beaten. The lawyer was recently approached by police officers with a stack of large photographs and asked whether he could identify the policemen who had tortured him, according to the Chongqing resident with police contacts.
Mr. Gong was also represented by Li Zhuang, a Beijing lawyer who was sentenced by a Chongqing court to 18 months in prison for suborning perjury. Mr. Li’s case became a rallying point for liberal Chinese who criticized Mr. Bo for undermining the legal system. Mr. Li said in a telephone interview that he had heard about the warning to police officers who used questionable methods during “da hei,” though there was no sign yet that courts were reopening cases.
“What I can assure you is that unjust cases indeed exist without a doubt, and there are quite a few of them,” Mr. Li said. “Many victims of ‘da hei’ have approached me and want me to help them to seek justice.” Among the victims that Mr. Li has been advising are family members of Li Jun, a real estate mogul who was accused of more than a dozen crimes and was forced to flee China. Thirty-one relatives and colleagues have been jailed. Mr. Li’s wife, Luo Cong, served a one-year sentence for aiding his flight, and his elder brother, Li Xiuwu, was sentenced to 18 years in prison. His nephew is serving 13 years.
Lawyers representing Ms. Luo and Mr. Li have filed appeals in a Chongqing court, according to legal documents.
Many policemen who were not allied with Mr. Wang, the police chief, were also imprisoned during the campaign. Those treated most severely were ones with close ties to Wen Qiang, a former top justice official, who was executed in July 2010 after being convicted of serious corruption. A senior policeman who was released from prison after Mr. Bo’s purge is lobbying for redress and hopes to be reinstated in the police force, a friend of the policeman said. His family had also been detained and persecuted.
“His colleagues are paying a great deal of attention to his case,” the man said.