Tuesday, July 17, 2012

看中國人如何掠奪, 摧毀內蒙古

Mine-scarred Inner Mongolia fuels politics, unrest

The widescale mining of valuable minerals from the grasslands of China's Inner Mongolia has made a political star of the local Communist Party chief, Hu Chunhua. Still, the blanketing of open-pit mines has stoked unrest, especially among ethnic Mongol herders, and devastated a once-pristine landscape. The Economist

Monday, July 16, 2012

1994年 陳定南選省長花4.6億
2012年 馬英九選總統花4.4億 蔡英文花7.1億

全天候活在這樣大辣辣, 亳無羞恥心的謊言下的台灣人有什麼感想?  請您留話跟大家分享.  好嗎?
 
自由時報: 你信嗎?陳定南4.6億選省長 馬4.4億選總統

〔記者李欣芳、黃維助、楊國文/台北報導〕監察院昨天公布今年總統大選候選人政治獻金收支結算表,國民黨提名的馬英九、吳敦義,政治獻金收入才四億四千六百四十萬元,支出僅有四億四千四百一十八萬元,收支結存約二百二十一萬元。
18年前 陳定南據實申報
尋求連任的馬英九總統與時任行政院長的吳敦義搭配,政治獻金收支才四億四千多萬元,竟比一九九四年時,陳定南競選幅員與人口數較小的省長時,據實申報的四億六千萬元還要少。不少人都有一個大問號就是「你相信嗎?」
十八年前,民進黨提名陳定南參選省長,他選後據實申報選舉經費約四億六千萬元,因超過法定的競選經費上限,遭罰款四十萬元;後來陳定南在法務部長任內,曾向中選會提議修改選舉經費上限規定,他當時強調,此項規定是縱容虛偽作假的參選人,損傷國家法律尊嚴。
民進黨候選人蔡英文、蘇嘉全的政治獻金收入為七億五千六百七十一萬元,支出七億九百八十五萬,收支結存四千六百八十五萬元。馬吳配申報的政治獻金收支數字,竟比在野的挑戰者英嘉配少很多,也是一個大問號。
綠營質疑 馬申報不老實
民 進黨發言人林俊憲質疑,總統大選期間,大財團一面倒支持馬英九,馬英九的政治獻金收入絕對超過所申報的四億四千六百四十萬元很多,民進黨懷疑馬英九不老 實,沒有實在申報,如果隱匿申報,就涉及非法政治獻金。國民黨發言人馬瑋國回應,馬英九、吳敦義兩人在總統大選期間的政治獻金收支情況,一切都依法誠實申 報,民進黨不應以沒有憑據的方式扭曲事實。
根據監察院資料,馬吳配的個人捐贈收入一萬一千九百零七筆,總額九千三百四十七萬;營利事業捐贈收入一億七百三十八萬元;國民黨捐給馬吳配二億三千六百萬元;人民團體捐贈收入八十萬元;匿名捐贈收入八百七十二萬元。
蔡 英文在大選期間推出三隻小豬運動,各地支持者捐贈小豬撲滿蔚為風潮,英嘉配在個人捐贈收入共十三萬一百七十七筆,這部分總額達五億五千零五十五萬元;匿名 捐贈收入一億六百四十九萬元;營利事業捐贈收入七千零二十三萬元,民進黨捐給英嘉配二千六百六十七萬元;人民團體捐贈收入二百七十二萬元。
文宣排山倒海 馬花比蔡少?
馬 吳配與英嘉配的支出最大宗都是宣傳費用,馬吳配申報的文宣費用二億七千九百十二萬元,英嘉配為三億五千九百十六萬元。對此,林俊憲說,馬英九在總統大選的 文宣費竟比小英少八千萬,這絕對不可能!國民黨在大選期間排山倒海的組織動員與文宣攻勢顯示,馬英九競選花費絕對是天文數字。
蔡英文辦公室 也表示,小英各項競選經費都依法核實申報,為何馬陣營申報數額遠低於蔡總部?相信以選舉期間馬陣營文宣廣告充斥各媒體的數量和密集程度,就民眾真實感受或 業界實際瞭解,其申報數額顯與真實有很大落差,留待社會公論。而監院公布的馬總統選舉經費,一半以上由黨產支應,馬在二○○七年便承諾「黨產歸零」,不再 利用黨產投入選舉,這項公開承諾,現在聽來相當諷刺,呼籲馬展現誠信,儘快兌現承諾。
國民黨發言人馬瑋國則稱,當時「馬吳配」文宣影片大部分透過網路媒介宣傳,經費支出比傳統的電視頻道少很多。

Monday, July 2, 2012

下一任中國國家主席習近平家族的億萬家財

2012-06-29 發表了一篇揭露下一任中國國家主席習近平家族億萬家產的文章  Xi Jinping Millionaire Relations Reveal Fortunes of Elite.

不僅不向Bloomberg News 道謝, 並開始調查習近平, 中國共產黨反而立即在網路上封鎖 Bloomberg News 及有關習近平財富的搜尋.  What is more,
Bloomberg provided a list showing the Xi family’s holdings to China’s Foreign Ministry. The government declined to comment.  Bloomberg 提供給中國外交部一份習近平家族億萬家產的資料.  中國外交部拒做評論.  
為什麼中國外交部不替習近平辯護?  因為這些資料是有憑有據的公共紀錄!

看下面兩段關於溫家寶的報導:
Premier Wen told a meeting of China’s State Council on March 26 that power must be exercised “under the sun” to combat corruption.  溫家寶用語言反貪腐.

Premier Wen Jiabao’s son co-founded a private-equity company. The son of Wen’s predecessor, Zhu Rongji, heads a Chinese investment bank.  溫家寶和朱镕基的兒子都家財萬貫. 
溫家寶該辦嗎?  看看 習近平:
Xi Jinping, the man in line to be China’s next president, warned officials on a 2004 anti-graft conference call: “Rein in your spouses, children, relatives, friends and staff, and vow not to use power for personal gain.”   习近平,中国的下一任总统,2004年反腐败的会议上警告官员:“控制你的配偶子女亲属朋友和工作人员并发誓不使用权力谋取私利。”

His daughter, Xi Mingze, studies at Harvard University in Cambridge, Massachusetts, under an assumed name.  習近平女兒習明澤入讀哈佛.

而他的家族則累積了難以想像的財富.  


Bloomberg News 全文在這裹:

Xi Jinping Millionaire Relations Reveal Fortunes of Elite

Xi Jinping, the man in line to be China’s next president, warned officials on a 2004 anti-graft conference call: “Rein in your spouses, children, relatives, friends and staff, and vow not to use power for personal gain.”
As Xi climbed the Communist Party ranks, his extended family expanded their business interests to include minerals, real estate and mobile-phone equipment, according to public documents compiled by Bloomberg.

Those interests include investments in companies with total assets of $376 million; an 18 percent indirect stake in a rare- earths company with $1.73 billion in assets; and a $20.2 million holding in a publicly traded technology company. The figures don’t account for liabilities and thus don’t reflect the family’s net worth.
No assets were traced to Xi, who turns 59 this month; his wife Peng Liyuan, 49, a famous People’s Liberation Army singer; or their daughter, the documents show. There is no indication Xi intervened to advance his relatives’ business transactions, or of any wrongdoing by Xi or his extended family.
While the investments are obscured from public view by multiple holding companies, government restrictions on access to company documents and in some cases online censorship, they are identified in thousands of pages of regulatory filings.
The trail also leads to a hillside villa overlooking the South China Sea in Hong Kong, with an estimated value of $31.5 million. The doorbell ringer dangles from its wires, and neighbors say the house has been empty for years. The family owns at least six other Hong Kong properties with a combined estimated value of $24.1 million.

Standing Committee

Xi has risen through the party over the past three decades, holding leadership positions in several provinces and joining the ruling Politburo Standing Committee in 2007. Along the way, he built a reputation for clean government.
He led an anti-graft campaign in the rich coastal province of Zhejiang, where he issued the “rein in” warning to officials in 2004, according to a People’s Daily publication. In Shanghai, he was brought in as party chief after a 3.7 billion- yuan ($582 million) scandal.
A 2009 cable from the U.S. Embassy in Beijing cited an acquaintance of Xi’s saying he wasn’t corrupt or driven by money. Xi was “repulsed by the all-encompassing commercialization of Chinese society, with its attendant nouveau riche, official corruption, loss of values, dignity, and self- respect,” the cable disclosed by Wikileaks said, citing the friend. Wikileaks publishes secret government documents online.
A U.S. government spokesman declined to comment on the document.

Carving Economy

Increasing resentment over China’s most powerful families carving up the spoils of economic growth poses a challenge for the Communist Party. The income gap in urban China has widened more than in any other country in Asia over the past 20 years, according to the International Monetary Fund.
“The average Chinese person gets angry when he hears about deals where people make hundreds of millions, or even billions of dollars, by trading on political influence,” said Barry Naughton, professor of Chinese economy at the University of California, San Diego, who wasn’t referring to the Xi family specifically.
Scrutiny of officials’ wealth is intensifying before a once-in-a-decade transition of power later this year, when Xi and the next generation of leaders are set to be promoted. The ouster in March of Bo Xilai as party chief of China’s biggest municipality in an alleged graft and murder scandal fueled public anger over cronyism and corruption. It also spurred demands that top officials disclose their wealth in editorials in two Chinese financial publications and from microbloggers. Bo’s family accumulated at least $136 million in assets, Bloomberg News reported in April.

Revolutionary Leader

Xi and his siblings are the children of the late Xi Zhongxun, a revolutionary fighter who helped Mao Zedong win control of China in 1949 with a pledge to end centuries of inequality and abuse of power for personal gain. That makes them “princelings,” scions of top officials and party figures whose lineages can help them wield influence in politics and business.
Most of the extended Xi family’s assets traced by Bloomberg were owned by Xi’s older sister,Qi Qiaoqiao, 63; her husband Deng Jiagui, 61; and Qi’s daughter Zhang Yannan, 33, according to public records compiled by Bloomberg.
Deng held an indirect 18 percent stake as recently as June 8 in Jiangxi Rare Earth & Rare Metals Tungsten Group Corp. Prices of the minerals used in wind turbines and U.S. smart bombs have surged as China tightened supply.

Yuanwei Group

Qi and Deng’s share of the assets of Shenzhen Yuanwei Investment Co., a real-estate and diversified holding company, totaled 1.83 billion yuan ($288 million), a December 2011 filing shows. Other companies in the Yuanwei group wholly owned by the couple have combined assets of at least 539.3 million yuan ($84.8 million).
A 3.17 million-yuan investment by Zhang in Beijing-based Hiconics Drive Technology Co. (300048) has increased 40-fold since 2009 to 128.4 million yuan ($20.2 million) as of yesterday’s close in Shenzhen.
Deng, reached on his mobile phone, said he was retired. When asked about his wife, Zhang and their businesses across the country, he said: “It’s not convenient for me to talk to you about this too much.” Attempts to reach Qi and Zhang directly or through their companies by phone and fax, as well as visits to addresses found on filings, were unsuccessful.

New Postcom

Another brother-in-law of Xi Jinping, Wu Long, ran a telecommunications company named New Postcom Equipment Co. The company was owned as of May 28 by relatives three times removed from Wu -- the family of his younger brother’s wife, according to public documents and an interview with one of the company’s registered owners.
New Postcom won hundreds of millions of yuan in contracts from state-owned China Mobile Communications Corp., the world’s biggest phone company by number of users, according to analysts at BDA China Ltd., a Beijing-based consulting firm that advises technology companies.
Dozens of people contacted over the past two months wouldn’t comment about the Xi family on the record because of the sensitivity of the issue. Details from Web pages profiling one of Xi Jinping’s nieces and her British husband were deleted after the two people were contacted.
The total assets of companies owned by the Xi family gives the breadth of their businesses and isn’t an indication of profitability. Hong Kong property values were based on recent transactions involving comparable homes.

Identity Cards

Bloomberg’s accounting included only assets, property and shareholdings in which there was documentation of ownership by a family member and an amount could be clearly assigned. Assets were traced using public and business records, interviews with acquaintances and Hong Kong and Chinese identity-card numbers.
In cases where family members use different names in mainland China and in Hong Kong, Bloomberg verified identities by speaking to people who had met them and through multiple company documents that show the same names together and shared addresses.
Bloomberg provided a list showing the Xi family’s holdings to China’s Foreign Ministry. The government declined to comment.
In October 2000, Xi Zhongxun’s family gathered on his 87th birthday for a photograph at a state guest house in Shenzhen, two years before the patriarch’s death. The southern metropolis bordering Hong Kong is now one of China’s richest, thanks in part to the elder Xi. He persuaded former leader Deng Xiaoping to pioneer China’s experiment with open markets in what was a fishing village.

Family Photo

In the photo, Xi Zhongxun, dressed in a red sweater and holding a cane, is seated in an overstuffed armchair. To his left sits daughter Qi Qiaoqiao. On his right, a young grandson perches on doily-covered armrests next to the elder Xi’s wife, Qi Xin. Lined up behind are Qiaoqiao’s husband, Deng Jiagui; her brothers Xi Yuanping and presidential heir Xi Jinping; and sister Qi An’an alongside her husband Wu Long.
Xi Zhongxun worked to imbue his children with the revolutionary spirit, according to accounts in state media that portray him as a principled and moral leader. Family members have recounted in interviews how he dressed them in patched hand-me-downs.
He also made Qiaoqiao turn down her top-choice middle school in Beijing, which offered her a slot despite her falling half a point short of the required grade, according to a memorial book about him. Instead, she attended another school under her mother’s family name, Qi, so classmates wouldn’t know her background. Qiaoqiao and her sister An’an also sometimes use their father’s family name, Xi.

Party School

In a speech on March 1 this year before about 2,200 cadres at the central party school in Beijing where members are trained, Xi Jinping said that some were joining because they believed it was a ticket to wealth. “It is more difficult, yet more vital than ever to keep the party pure,” he said, according to a transcript of his speech in an official magazine.
His daughter, Xi Mingze, has avoided the spotlight. She studies at Harvard University in Cambridge, Massachusetts, under an assumed name.
Xi’s elevation to replace Hu Jintao as China’s top leader isn’t yet formalized. He must be picked as the Communist Party’s general secretary in a meeting later this year and then be selected by the country’s legislature as president next March.

Deng Xiaoping

Disgruntlement over how members of the ruling elite translate political power into personal fortunes has existed since Deng Xiaoping’s economic reforms began three decades ago, when he said some people could get rich first and help others get wealthy later.
The relatives of other top officials have forged business careers. Premier Wen Jiabao’s son co-founded a private-equity company. The son of Wen’s predecessor, Zhu Rongji, heads a Chinese investment bank.
“What I’m really concerned about is the alliance between the rich and powerful,” said Wan Guanghua, principal economist at the Asian Development Bank. “It makes corruption and inequality self-reinforcing and persistent.”
Public criticism is mounting against ostentatious displays of wealth by officials. Microbloggers tracking designer labels sported by cadres expressed disgust last year at a gold Rolex watch worn by a former customs minister. They castigated the daughter of former Premier Li Peng for wearing a pink Emilio Pucci suit to the nation’s annual legislative meeting this March. Some complained that the 12,000 yuan they said it cost would pay for warm clothes for 200 poor children.

‘Unequal Access’

“People are angry because there’s unequal access to money- making, and the rewards that get reaped appear to the populace to be undeserved,” said Perry Link, a China scholar at the University of California, Riverside. “There’s no question in the Chinese public mind that this is wrong.”
Premier Wen told a meeting of China’s State Council on March 26 that power must be exercised “under the sun” to combat corruption.
While officials in China must report their income and assets to authorities, as well as personal information about their immediate family, the disclosures aren’t public.
The lack of transparency fuels a belief that the route to wealth depends on what Chinese call “guanxi,” a catch-all word for the connections considered crucial for doing business in the country. It helps explain why princelings with no official posts wield influence. Or, as a Chinese proverb puts it: When a man gets power, even his chickens and dogs rise to heaven.

‘Bigwig Relative’

“If you are a sibling of someone who is very important in China, automatically people will see you as a potential agent of influence and will treat you well in the hope of gaining guanxi with the bigwig relative,” said Roderick MacFarquhar, a professor of government at Harvard who focuses on Chinese elite politics.
The link between political power and wealth isn’t unique to China. Lyndon B. Johnson was so poor starting out in life that he borrowed $75 to enroll in Southwest Texas State Teachers College in 1927, according to his presidential library. After almost three decades of elective office, he and his family had media and real-estate holdings worth $14 million in 1964, his first full year as president, according to an August 1964 article in Life Magazine.
Orville Schell, director of the Center on U.S.-China Relations at the Asia Society in New York, said the nexus of power and wealth can be found in any country. “But there is no country where this is more true than China,” he said. “There’s a huge passive advantage to just being in one of these family trees.”

Unfair to Xi

Yao Jianfu, a retired government researcher who has called for greater disclosure of assets by leaders, said it wouldn’t be right to tie Xi Jinping to the businesses of his family.
“If other members of the family are independent business representatives, I think it’s unfair to describe it as a family clan and count it as Xi Jinping’s,” Yao said in a telephone interview.
The lineage of Xi’s siblings hasn’t always been an advantage. Xi Zhongxun, the father, was purged by Mao in 1962. Like many other princelings, the children were scattered to the countryside during the Cultural Revolution. The 5-yuan payment Qiaoqiao received for working in a corps with 500 other youths in Inner Mongolia made her feel rich, she recalled in an interview on the website of Beijing-based Tsinghua University.
After Mao’s death in 1976, the family was rehabilitated and Xi’s sister Qiaoqiao pursued a career with the military and as a director with the People’s Armed Police. She resigned to care for her father, who had retired in 1990, Qiaoqiao said in the Tsinghua interview.

Property Purchase

A year later, she bought an apartment in what was then the British colony of Hong Kong for HK$3 million ($387,000) -- at the time, equivalent to almost 900 times the average Chinese worker’s annual salary. She still owns the property, in the Pacific Palisades complex in Braemar Hill on Hong Kong island, land registry records show.
By 1997, Qi and Deng had recorded an investment of 15.3 million yuan in a company that later became Shenzhen Yuanwei Industries Co., a holding group, documents show. The assets of that company aren’t publicly available. However, one of its subsidiaries, Shenzhen Yuanwei Investment, had assets of 1.85 billion yuan ($291 million) at the end of 2010. It is 99 percent owned by the couple, according to a December 2011 filing by a securities firm.
It was after her father’s death in 2002 that Qi said she decided to go into business, according to the Tsinghua interview. She graduated from Tsinghua’s executive master’s degree in business administration program in 2006 and founded its folk-drumming team. It plays in the style of Shaanxi province, where Xi Zhongxun was born.

Paper Trail

The names Qi Qiaoqiao, Deng Jiagui or Zhang Yannan appear on the filings of at least 25 companies over the past two decades in China and Hong Kong, either as shareholders, directors or legal representatives -- a term that denotes the person responsible for a company, such as its chairman.
In some filings, Qi used the name Chai Lin-hing. The alias was linked to her because of biographical details in a Chinese company document that match those in two published interviews with Qi Qiaoqiao. Chai Lin-hing has owned multiple companies and a property in Hong Kong with Deng Jiagui.
In 2005, Zhang Yannan started appearing on Hong Kong documents, when Qi and Deng transferred to her 99.98 percent of a property-holding company that owns one apartment, a unit in the Regent on the Park development with an estimated value of HK$54 million ($6.96 million).

Repulse Bay Villa

Land registry records show Zhang paid HK$150 million ($19 million) in 2009 for the villa on Belleview Drive in Repulse Bay, one of Hong Kong’s most exclusive neighborhoods. Property prices have since jumped about 60 percent in the area.
Her Hong Kong identity card number, written on one of the sale documents, matches that found on the company she owns with her mother and Deng Jiagui, Special Joy Investments Ltd. All three people share the same Hong Kong address in a May 12 filing.
Zhang owns four other luxury units in the Convention Plaza Apartments residential tower with panoramic harbor views adjoining the Grand Hyatt hotel.
Since its 1997 return by Britain to Chinese rule, Hong Kong has been governed autonomously, with its own legal and banking systems. About a third of all purchases of new luxury homes in the territory are by mainland Chinese buyers, according to Centaline Property Agency Ltd.
In mainland China, Qi and Deng’s marquee project is a luxury housing complex called Guanyuan near Beijing’s financial district, boasting manicured gardens and a gray-brick exterior reminiscent of the city’s historic courtyard homes. Financial details on the developer aren’t available because of restrictions on company searches in Beijing.

Beijing Complex

To finance the development, the couple borrowed from friends and banks, and aimed to attract officials and executives at state-owned companies, they told V Marketing China magazine in a 2006 interview. Property prices in the capital rose 79 percent in the following four years, government data show.
The site’s developer -- 70 percent owned by Qi and Deng’s Yuanwei Investment -- acquired more than 10,000 square meters of land for 95.6 million yuan in 2004 to build Guanyuan, according to the Beijing Municipal Bureau of Land and Resources.
A 189-square-meter (2,034-square-foot) three-bedroom apartment in Guanyuan listed online in June for 15 million yuan. One square meter sells for 79,365 yuan -- more than double China’s annual per capita gross domestic product.
Public anger at soaring housing costs has made real estate an especially sensitive issue for leaders in China. Property prices were “far from a reasonable level,” Premier Wen said in March.

‘Playing Field’

The lack of a level playing field and unaffordable home prices mean “you can be cut out of the China dream,” said Joseph Fewsmith, director of the Center for the Study of Asia at Boston University, who focuses on Chinese politics. “Is the rise of China going to last if you build it around these sorts of unequal opportunities?”
Those with the right connections are able to gain access to assets that are controlled by the government, according to Bo Zhiyue, a senior research fellow at the National University of Singapore’s East Asian Institute.
“All they need is to get into the game one small step ahead of the others and they can make a huge gain,” he said. Bo wasn’t discussing the specific investments of Xi’s family members.
One of Deng’s well-timed acquisitions was in a state-owned company with investments in rare-earth metals.

Rare Earths

Deng’s Shanghai Wangchao Investment Co. bought a 30 percent stake in Jiangxi Rare Earth for 450 million yuan ($71 million) in 2008, according to a bond prospectus.
Deng owned 60 percent of Shanghai Wangchao. A copy of Deng’s Chinese identity card found in company registry documents matches one found in filings of a Yuanwei subsidiary. Yuanwei group-linked executives held the posts of vice chairman and chief financial officer in Jiangxi Rare Earth, the filings show.
The investment came as China, which has a near monopoly on production of the metals, was tightening control over production and exports, a policy that led to a more than fourfold surge in prices for some rare earths in 2011.
A woman who answered the phone at Jiangxi Rare Earth’s head office in Nanchang said she was unable to provide financial information because the company wasn’t listed on the stock exchange. She declined to discuss Shanghai Wangchao’s investment, saying it was too sensitive.

Hiconics Drive

Qi Qiaoqiao’s daughter Zhang made her 3.17 million-yuan investment in Hiconics in the three years before the Beijing- based manufacturer of electronic devices sold shares to the public in 2010. Hiconics founder Liu Jincheng was in the same executive MBA class as Qi Qiaoqiao, according to his profile on Tsinghua’s website.
Wang Dong, the company’s board secretary, didn’t respond to faxed questions or phone calls seeking comment.
The business interests of Qi and Deng may be more extensive still: The names appear as the legal representative of at least 11 companies in Beijing and Shenzhen, cities where restrictions on access to filings make it difficult to determine ownership of companies or asset values.

Dalian Wanda

For example, Deng was the legal representative of a Beijing-based company that bought a 0.8 percent stake in one of China’s biggest developers, Dalian Wanda Commercial Properties Co., for 30 million yuan in a 2009 private placement. Dalian Wanda Commercial had sales of 95.3 billion yuan ($15 billion) last year.
Dalian Wanda Commercial “doesn’t comment on private transactions,” it said in an e-mailed statement.
Deng also served as legal representative of a company that won a government contract to help build a 1 billion-yuan ($157 million) bridge in central China’s Hubei province, according to an official website and corporate records.
Complex ownership structures are common in China, according to Victor Shih, a professor at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois, who studies the link between finance and politics in the country. Princelings engage people they trust, often members of their extended families, to open companies on their behalf that bid for contracts from state-owned enterprises, said Shih, who wasn’t referring specifically to Xi’s family.

New Postcom

In the case of Xi Jinping’s brother-in-law, Wu Long, he’s identified as chairman of New Postcom in two reports on the website of the Guangzhou Development District, one in 2009 and the other a year later.
New Postcom doesn’t provide a list of management on its website. Searches in Chinese on Baidu Inc.’s search engine using the name “Wu Long” and “New Postcom” trigger a warning, also in Chinese: “The search results may not be in accordance with relevant laws, regulations and policies, and cannot display.”
New Postcom is owned by two people named Geng Minhua and Hua Feng, filings show. Their address in the company documents leads to the ninth floor of a decades-old concrete tower in Beijing where Geng’s elderly mother lives. Tacked to the wall of her living room was the mobile-phone number of her daughter.
When contacted by phone June 6, Geng confirmed she owned New Postcom with her son Hua Feng -- and that her daughter was married to Wu Ming, Wu Long’s younger brother. Geng said Wu Long headed the company and she wasn’t involved in the management.

Different Owners

New Postcom identified two different people -- Hong Ying and Ma Wenbiao -- as its owners in a six-page, June 27 statement and said the head of the company was a person named Liu Ran. The company didn’t respond to repeated requests to explain the discrepancies. Wu Long and his wife, Qi An’an, couldn’t be reached for comment.
New Postcom was an upstart company that benefited from state contracts. It specialized in the government-mandated home- grown 3G mobile-phone standard deployed by China Mobile. In 2007, it won a share of a tender to supply handsets, beating out more established competitors such as Motorola Inc., according to BDA China.
“They were an unknown that suddenly appeared,” said Duncan Clark, chairman of BDA. “People were expecting Motorola to get a big part of that device contract, and then a no-name company just appeared at the top of the list.”
In 2007, the domestic mobile standard was still being developed, and many of the bigger players were sitting on the sidelines, allowing New Postcom a bigger share of the market, the company said in the statement.

Xi Yuanping

William Moss, the Beijing-based spokesman of the Motorola Mobility unit that was split off from Motorola last year and purchased by Google Inc. (GOOG), declined to comment on details of any individual bids. China Mobile “has always insisted on the principle of open, fair, just and credible bidding” to select vendors, company spokesman Zhang Xuan said by e-mail.
Xi Jinping’s younger brother, Xi Yuanping, is the founding chairman of an energy advisory body called the International Energy Conservation Environmental Protection Association. He doesn’t play an active role in the organization, according to an employee who declined to be identified.
One of Xi’s nieces has a higher profile. Hiu Ng, the daughter of Qi An’an and Wu Long, and her husband Daniel Foa, 35, last year were listed as speakers at a networking symposium in the Maldives on sustainable tourism with the likes of the U.K. billionaire Richard Branson and the actress Daryl Hannah.

Hudson Clean Energy

Ng recently began working with Hudson Clean Energy Partners LP, which manages a fund of more than $1 billion in the U.S., to help identify investments in China.
Details about the couple were removed from Internet profiles after Bloomberg reporters contacted them. Foa said by phone he couldn’t comment about FairKlima Capital, a clean- energy fund they set up in 2007. Ng didn’t respond to e-mails asking for an interview.
The two are no longer mentioned on the FairKlima website. A June 3 cache of the “Contact Us” webpage includes short biographies of Ng and Foa under the headline “Senior Management Team.”
A reference on Ng’s LinkedIn profile that said on June 8 that she worked at New Postcom has since been removed, along with her designation as “Vice Chair Hudson Clean Energy Partners China.”
Neil Auerbach, the Teaneck, New Jersey-based private-equity firm’s founder, said he was working with Ng because of her longstanding passion for sustainability.
“We are aware of her political connections, but her focus is on sustainable investing, and that’s the purpose,” he said in a June 13 interview. “We’re delighted to be working with her.”
To contact Bloomberg News staff for this story: Michael Forsythe in Beijing at mforsythe@bloomberg.net; Shai Oster in Hong Kong at soster@bloomberg.net; Natasha Khan in Hong Kong at nkhan51@bloomberg.net; Dune Lawrence in New York at dlawrence6@bloomberg.net
To contact the editors responsible for this story: Amanda Bennett at abennett6@bloomberg.net; Peter Hirschberg at phirschberg@bloomberg.net; Ben Richardson at brichardson8@bloomberg.net

 








Tuesday, June 12, 2012

看中國人怎麼欺負藏人,回人,越南人,港人,台灣人,
and now 菲律賓人

中國人最顯著的特徵是不講公平.
他們恨透了日本人, 因為日本人欺負過他們.
但是他們欺負別人就好得很.


華盛頓郵報: In Philippines, banana growers feel effect of South China Sea dispute

PANABO, Philippines — Dazzled by the opportunities offered by China’s vast and increasingly prosperous populace, Renante Flores Bangoy, the owner of a small banana plantation here in the southern Philippines, decided three years ago to stop selling to multinational fruit corporations and stake his future on Chinese appetites. Through a local exporter, he started shipping all his fruit to China.
Today, his estate on the tropical island of Mindanao is scattered with heaps of rotting bananas. For seven weeks now — ever since an aging U.S.-supplied Philippine warship squared off with Chinese vessels near a disputed shoal in the South China Sea — Bangoy has not been able to sell a single banana to China.


He is a victim of sudden Chinese restrictions on banana imports from the Philippines that China says have been imposed for health reasons but that Bangoy and other growers view as retaliation for a recent flare-up in contested waters around Scarborough Shoal.
“They just stopped buying,” Bangoy said. “It is a big disaster.”
His plight points to the volatile nationalist passions that lie just beneath the placid surface of Asia’s economic boom. It also underscores how quickly quarrels rooted in the distant past can disrupt the promise of a new era of shared prosperity and peace between rising China and its neighbors.
Scarborough Shoal, a cluster of coral reefs and islets, lies more than 500 miles from the Chinese mainland and 140 miles off the northern coast of the Philippines, well within a 200-nautical-mile “exclusive economic zone” provided for by the U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea. But China — which claims most of the South China Sea, including portions also claimed by the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and Taiwan — insists that the shoal has been part of its territory since at least the 13th century and points to old maps that mark it as Chinese.
For a while, it looked as if the quarrel — which began in April when a Philippine warship confronted Chinese fishermen near the shoal and stirred a surge of nationalist fury in both countries — could tip into armed conflict between Asia’s most potent military power and one of its puniest. China last year spent $129 billion on its armed forces, 58 times as much as the Philippines, according to data compiled by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. The flagship of Manila’s navy, the boat that intercepted the Chinese fishermen, is a 45-year-old hand-me-down from the U.S. Coast Guard.
Manila does have one potent asset: a 1951 mutual defense treaty with Washington that the Philippines believes puts the world’s most powerful navy on its side. The United States has a policy of not taking a position on territorial disputes in the South China Sea and has been ambiguous about what it would do in the event of a conflict. President Benigno Aquino III visited the State Department and the White House on Friday to press for clarity on U.S. intentions.
Trade as ‘foreign policy tool’
Although rich in fish and long used as a shelter by Chinese and Philippine fishermen, Scarborough Shoal has no major economic or strategic value. But it has acquired great significance for both countries as a test case for issues of sovereignty that will help determine who gets to exploit potentially large reserves of natural gas and oil in other contested areas of the South China Sea. ...



Monday, June 4, 2012

看中國共產黨如何修理上海証交所的數字
2012/06/04 跌 64.89點 (64, 1989)
開盤 2346.98 (23週年 1989, 64)

紐約時報: Market’s Echo of Tiananmen Date Sets Off Censors

HONG KONG — The Shanghai Stock Exchange produced an uncanny — and politically delicate — numerical result on the 23rd anniversary of the military crackdown in Tiananmen Square, an odd echo of a tragedy that China’s leaders have tried desperately to erase from their country’s consciousness.

The index fell 64.89 points on Monday, a figure that looks like June 4, 1989. In yet another unusual development, the index opened on Monday at 2346.98 — a figure that looks like the date of the crackdown written backward, followed by the 23rd anniversary.

Chinese censors, showing characteristic heavy-handedness, especially on anniversaries of Tiananmen Square, began blocking searches for “stock market,” “Shanghai stock” and “Shanghai stock market” and started deleting large numbers of microblog postings about the numerical fluke.

The Shanghai Stock Exchange Composite Index is calculated by adding up the market capitalizations of hundreds of different stocks and then converting it into an index with a value of 100 on Dec. 19, 1990. Richard Kershaw, the managing director for Asia forensic technology at FTI Consulting, a global financial investigations company, said that it would be almost impossible for anyone to coordinate the buying and selling of so many stocks so as to produce a specific result.

But hackers have targeted the computer systems at other stock exchanges in the past and Mr. Kershaw said that it was at least possible that this might have occurred in China. He predicted that the government would investigate, but added, “You can bet we’ll never hear the results.”

The fall in the Shanghai market was statistically plausible, as it worked out to a drop of 2.73 percent; the Shenzhen stock market, the Shanghai market’s southern rival, fell 2.84 percent on Monday.

Chinese culture puts a strong, sometimes superstitious emphasis on numbers and dates. The Beijing Olympics started at 8:08 p.m. on Aug. 8, 2008, a time and date chosen for the many “eights” — considered an auspicious number.

Even 23 years later, the use of tanks and gunfire to disperse unarmed students and other Tiananmen Square protesters remains a point of considerable acrimony in China and around the world. Security measures are tightened in China each year for the anniversary, while dissidents and former Chinese officials periodically give their versions of what happened.

The suspension of a populist leader, Bo Xilai, from the Politburo this spring and a subsequent series of reports of factional infighting and military maneuvers to prevent any attempt at a coup has underlined this year how tightly held power still is in China.

Liu Weimin, a Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman, expressed “strong dissatisfaction” with the United States on Monday after the State Department issued a statement on Sunday calling for China to free political prisoners still in jail nearly a quarter century after the crackdown.

“We encourage the Chinese government to release all those still serving sentences for their participation in the demonstrations; to provide a full public accounting of those killed, detained or missing; and to end the continued harassment of demonstration participants and their families,” Mark C. Toner, a deputy State Department spokesman, said in the statement.

In addition to people jailed since 1989, the Chinese government has detained an unknown number of dissidents or put them under house arrest in the last few days, part of an annual procedure ahead of the anniversary.

The local government of Tongzhou, an eastern district of Beijing, took the unusual step of publishing on its Web site a description of its precautions for the anniversary: “From May 31 to June 4, wartime systems and protective measures should be in effect, and security volunteers, wearing red armbands and organized by the collective action of neighborhoods, should be on duty and patrolling.”

The posting was deleted by early Monday afternoon, possibly because its blunt language had been reported in the morning by The South China Morning Post, a Hong Kong newspaper.

People began converging late Monday on a downtown park in Hong Kong for a candlelight vigil commemorating the Tiananmen Square crackdown.

Interest in the candlelight vigils here has waxed and waned over the years, often as a barometer of dissatisfaction in Hong Kong with the territory’s local government and with the Beijing authorities. Attendance eroded through the 1990s to 2002, jumped with the pro-democracy demonstrations here in 2003 and 2004, then eroded again for several years.

The vigils have picked up again since 2009 as inequalities of wealth, youth unemployment and other economic issues have come to the fore in Hong Kong and as retired Chinese officials who were in office in the months leading up to the Tiananmen Square crackdown have begun publishing their memoirs.

The memoirs of Zhao Ziyang, the general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party in the two years leading up to the crushing of the protests was published shortly before the 2009 vigil. A series of conversations with Chen Xitong, the mayor of Beijing in 1989 and a reputed hard-liner, were published last week, in which he expressed regret that a military assault had taken place, denied reports that he had played a role in organizing that assault and said that “several hundred people died that day.”

Organizers say that the vigils drew 150,000 people each year in 2009, 2010 and 2011, matching a level not seen since 1990. The police put the turnout for these three years at 62,800, 113,000 and 77,000.

Thursday, May 31, 2012

艾未未 被蒙面帶走81天
這像國家執法, 或像黑幫綁票?

紐約時報: First a Black Hood, Then 81 Captive Days for an Artist in China

BEIJING — The policeman yanked the black hood over Ai Weiwei’s head. It was suffocating. Written in white across the outside was a cryptic phrase: “Suspect 1.7.”

At the rear of a white van, one policeman sat on each side of Mr. Ai, China’s most famous artist and provocateur. They clutched his arms. Four more men sat in the front rows.

“Until that moment I still had spirit, because it didn’t look real,” Mr. Ai said. “It was more like a performance. Why was it so dramatic?”

On the morning of April 3, 2011, the policemen drove Mr. Ai, one of the most outspoken critics of the Communist Party, to a rural detention center from Beijing Capital International Airport, where Mr. Ai had planned to fly to Hong Kong and Taiwan on business. So began one of the most closely watched human rights dramas in China of the past year.

China’s treatment of social critics has been thrust back into the spotlight by the diplomatic sparring over Chen Guangcheng, the persecuted rights advocate who left here on May 19 for the United States. A blind, self-taught lawyer, Mr. Chen pulled off a daring nighttime escape from house arrest. Like that case, the tale of Mr. Ai’s 81 days of illegal detention, recalled during a series of conversations in recent months, reveals the ways in which the most stubborn dissidents joust with their tormentors and try to maintain resistance in the face of seemingly absolute power. No critic has so publicly taunted the Communist Party as Mr. Ai, even as security officers have employed a variety of tactics in a continuing campaign to cow him.

Despite warnings from the authorities, Mr. Ai, 54, uses Twitter daily and meets with diplomats, journalists, artists and liberal Chinese. This month, a Beijing court agreed to hear a lawsuit that Mr. Ai has filed against local tax officials for demanding that he pay $2.4 million in back taxes and penalties. Last month, Mr. Ai set up four Web cameras to broadcast his daily home life, his way of mocking the police surveillance that surrounds him. Officers ordered him to stop.

“His personality is, ‘The more you push me, the harder I’m going to push back,’ ” said Liu Xiaoyuan, a lawyer and friend who was also detained last year.

During the 81 days, interrogators told Mr. Ai that the authorities would prosecute him for subversion, Mr. Ai said. The three main interrogators worked in an economic crimes unit of the Beijing police, and their aim was to gather evidence to charge him with subversion, tax evasion, pornography and bigamy. (Mr. Ai has a 3-year-old son from an extramarital relationship.) They questioned him repeatedly on his use of the Internet, his foreign contacts, the content of his artwork, its enormous sales value and a nude photography project from 2010.

Mr. Ai’s eyes grew moist when he recalled how interrogators threatened him with a dozen years in prison. “That was very painful,” he said, “because they kept saying, ‘You will never see your mother again,’ or ‘You will never see your son again.’ ”

In two different centers, Mr. Ai was confined to a cramped room with guards watching him around the clock. The second site, a military compound, was harsher, he said: lights remained on 24 hours, a loud fan whirred and two men in green uniforms stared silently from less than three feet away. Mr. Ai got two to five hours of sleep each night. He stuck to a minute-by-minute schedule dictating when he would eat, go to the toilet and take a shower. Mr. Ai, known for his portly frame, lost 28 pounds.

But the authorities at the military center ensured that he saw a doctor four to seven times a day. He received medicine for his many ailments: diabetes, high blood pressure, a heart condition and a head injury from a police beating in 2009. Mr. Ai noticed the hard-boiled egg on his breakfast tray each day had a tiny hole; a guard told him the authorities were keeping samples of each meal in case he got sick or died.

Mr. Ai’s ordeal began the morning that police officers drove him from the airport into the countryside. He was marched into a building and pushed into a chair.

“Stand up,” someone said.

Mr. Ai stood up. A man whipped off his hood. “I saw this tall guy right in front of me,” he said. “This guy looked like he was from an early James Bond movie.”

Mr. Ai thought he was about to get beaten. Instead, the man emptied Mr. Ai’s pockets and took his belt. His right hand was handcuffed to an arm of his chair.

The first team of interrogators arrived much later, at 10 p.m. One typed on a laptop, the other asked questions. The main interrogator, Mr. Li, about 40, wore a pinstriped sports jacket with leather elbow patches. He said he had never heard of Mr. Ai until he did an Internet search.
...

逾九成中共中央委員親屬移居海外
高官紛紛把子女送往歐美, 或移轉財產

9成中共中委 親屬居海外

香港新聞組香港27日電
May 28, 2012 06:01 AM | 23043 次 | 0  | 37  |  |
中國大陸官員家屬移民境外,被指是「裸官」。香港雜誌「動向」引述消息來源披露,中央最近曾展開一項內部調查,結果發現竟有逾九成的中共中央委員,包括子女、孫子孫女和兄弟姊妹等直系親屬已移居海外。
香港「東方日報」根據「動向」報導,大陸官方內部權威機構統計數據所指,截至今年3月底,第17屆中央委員會之中,204名中央委員中,187人有直系親屬在歐美等西方國家居住、生活、工作或已經加入所在國國籍,占91%;167名候補委員中,則有142人親屬已移居海外,佔85%;127名中紀委委員中,有113人親屬已移居海外。

報導還引述美國政府的統計數據稱,中國部級以上的官員(包含已退位)的兒子輩75%擁有美國綠卡或公民身分,孫子輩有美國公民身分達到91%或以上。

美國媒體紐約時報及華盛頓郵報最近連續報導指,中共高官紛紛把子女送往歐美名校就讀,或是移轉財產。另有專家學者分析認為這是中共高官自己都對中國的未來沒有信心。



Read more: 世界新聞網-北美華文新聞、華商資訊 - 9成中共中委 親屬居海外


=====
New York Times OP-ED CONTRIBUTOR

In China, Fear at the Top

By RODERICK MacFARQUHAR
Published: May 20, 2012

Friday, May 25, 2012

擺明了我就是不公不義的台灣司法系統 又一例

調查局長遭通緝的胞弟, 偷渡出境:
中國黨人是"高官-通緝犯一家親",難怪屢抓不到!但抓民進黨人則是甕中捉鱉,每一隻都跑不掉。
CD Kuo
=====
  1. 局長掩護弟弟偷渡調查局嚴正否認- 中央廣播電臺新聞頻道

    news.rti.org.tw/index_newsContent.aspx?nid... - Translate this page
    2012年5月15日 – 立委質疑調查局長張濟平掩護遭通緝的弟弟張高平偷渡出境調查局公共事務室 ... 對於國安局是否掌握調查局長張濟平胞弟遭通緝並潛逃的情資,據 ...
  2. 驚!調查局長掩護通緝犯弟偷渡?-政治要聞-yam蕃薯藤

    n.yam.com/focus/politics/33889/ - Translate this page
    掌管政府緝拿通緝犯業務的調查局長張濟平,胞弟是逃亡海外的國安重案通緝要犯 ... 立委質疑調查局長張濟平掩護遭通緝的弟弟張高平偷渡出境調查局公共事務室 ...
  3. 局長掩護弟弟偷渡?調局嚴正否認(中國時報) - 風鈴夜語,蕭之華部落 ...

    tw.myblog.yahoo.com/...--/article?mid... - Translate this page
    2012年5月15日 – 因公出國的調查局長張濟平,被爆料胞弟是逃亡海外的國安重案通緝要犯 ... 立委質疑調查局長張濟平掩護遭通緝的弟弟張高平偷渡出境調查局公共 ...
  4. 現任國安局長親自掩護犯貪汙罪之胞弟偷渡落跑廈門,現安居Canada..

    estock.marbo.com.tw/asp/board/v_subject.asp?... - Translate this page
    4 posts - 2 authors - May 15
    立委質疑調查局長張濟平掩護遭通緝的弟弟張高平偷渡出境調查局公共事務室表示,張濟平因公出國,無法取得其回應;但經初步調查,張高平早年 ...
  5. 立委爆:調查局長遭通緝偷渡廈門- 新唐人亞太電視台

    ap.ntdtv.com/b5/20120514/video/95867.htmlMay 14, 2012
    立委爆:調查局長遭通緝偷渡廈門 ... 年涉嫌貪污潛逃的軍情局上校張高平,被查 到是現任調查局長張繼平的親生胞弟... 立委問,通緝 ...
  6. 香港大紀元-調查局長弟被通緝台法務部未掌握

    hk.epochtimes.com/b5/12/5/15/157567.htm - Translate this page
    2012年5月15日 – ... 台灣調查局長張濟平親弟弟張高平,2002年擔任台灣國防部軍事情報局主計處副處長時涉及侵吞公款,已偷渡出境。(中央社). 調查局長弟被通緝 ...
  7. 通緝要犯張高平調查局長胞弟綠委踢爆 - 立法院

    www.ly.gov.tw › 立法委員邱志偉 - Translate this page
    2012年5月15日 – 立委邱志偉的最新消息相關資訊- 通緝要犯張高平調查局長胞弟綠委踢爆. ... 綠委踢爆 調查局長張濟平胞弟張高平 2002年涉軍情密帳案 2006年偷渡出境 ... 前年七月就任調查局長時,還宣稱有信心在短期內將遭通緝的前立委何智輝 ...
  8. 調查局長被控助胞弟偷渡潛逃 - 公共電視台新聞網

    news.pts.org.tw/detail.php?NEENO=210111 - Translate this page
    2012年5月14日 – 調查局長張濟平2011年總統大選前夕,曾被民進黨陣營指控,涉嫌違法監控情 ... 軍情局主計處副處長張高平是親兄弟,而張高平2006年從南部偷渡出境時, ... 他們的兄弟關係我們當然會抓不到通緝要犯因為局長的弟弟就是通緝要犯 ...
  9. 局長掩護弟弟偷渡?調局嚴正否認| MSN 新聞頻道

    news.msn.com.tw/news2652480.aspx - Translate this page
    2012年5月15日 – 立委質疑調查局長張濟平掩護遭通緝的弟弟張高平偷渡出境調查局公共事務室表示,張濟平因公出國,無法取得其回應;但經初步調查,張高平早年 ...
  10. 張曉風促製高官「親戚表」李鴻源:沒規定要做| 即時新聞| 20120521 ...

    www.appledaily.com.tw/realtimenews/.../123786 - Translate this page
    4 天前 – 民進黨立委陳其邁質疑,調查局長張濟平掩護遭通緝的胞弟張高平偷渡出境,包括警政署長王卓鈞與法務部、國安局列席官員都說,事先不知是兄弟 ...




Thursday, May 24, 2012

中國文化的賜與: 台灣 天殺的人治


Why at the same time, 法院如山控告案件完全置之不理?

〈金恒煒專欄〉天殺的特偵組!
 
特偵組,又來了!這回還是針對陳總統。尤其在馬英九民調支持度徘徊在十五至二十%之間的難堪以及五二○就職萬民齊罵下,特偵組「轉移視聽」(起訴書所用之詞)的手法,人民都嫌煩,特偵組自家嫌不嫌煩呀!
用侵占機密文件為名,實則掩蓋不住政治其內的齷齪;洋洋灑灑一百二十多萬字的起訴書,嚇誰呀?好像用字海就能清洗「扁偵組」的諡名!也好像三大冊、二二二一頁就能眩人耳目?
特 偵組沒有公佈起訴書全文也就罷了,叫人質疑的是,發言人陳宏達在記者會中大玩政治,一則雖然認定扁侵占公文是為了撰寫回憶錄,但實際上或說實質上要突出的 卻是:扁要蒐集前總統李登輝、前副總統連戰,親民黨主席等的資料,然後得出結論:「陳水扁犯罪目的,…,是將手伸入司法」。特偵組的這個說法、用語,哪像 司法人?簡直與叩應節目的名嘴或者爆料的立委一樣。聽得下去嗎?
先談昨天某晚報所謂的「黑資料」。機密文件沒有什麼黑白可言,為什麼會變成 「黑資料」?黑資料是政治鬥爭的工具,最擅長的是中共內鬥,最近香港特首選舉,梁振英陣營就宣稱取得「無間道」之稱的劉夢熊手中有關對手唐英年十年前的黑 材料。難道特偵組成了無間道?若真是「黑」材料,特偵組為什麼不以此法辦李登輝、連戰與宋楚瑜?把公文說成黑資料,玩的全是政治。
陳總統把 機密公文當「黑資料」用?如何證明?陳宏達明明說陳總統所持的機密公文「沒有外洩」;沒有外洩就是沒有使用,既然沒有使用,如何可以安上黑材料的罪名?陳 總統既然當下沒有使用,更證成是為將來寫回憶錄所用。更何況,多達一萬七千多件公文,與李、連、宋有關者只是區區,其他不是黑資料的資料,要用在哪裡?用 膝蓋想就知道。
總之,扁公文既沒有外洩,特偵組哪有證據能夠證實陳總統要當「黑資料」使用?這不只是誅心之論,也通不過檢驗,再一次暴露炮 製與羅織用心。從方法學上來看,這是理念先行,再找故事;這是先有理論架構,再把材料填進去;這是先射箭,再畫靶。連黑材料之說,都是黑白講,特偵組怎麼 可能推論出「想轉移本身涉貪的焦點」?至於指控「將資料作為扁家被偵辦的訴訟之用」,老實說,又有什麼錯?這不但合法也合理;扁即使沒有掌握這些公文,於 法也可請法院調閱。重點是,陳總統律師鄭文龍表示,扁案司法訴訟過程,他完全沒有看到也沒有用到這些機密文件。可見特偵組說謊不打草稿。
最 後談一下「扁將手伸入司法」。扁如果要把手伸入司法,執政八年為什麼沒有辦一個—一個都沒有—前朝官員?如果陳總統像馬英九一樣,多金的連戰、興票案的宋 楚瑜不鋃鐺入獄才怪。如果陳總統像馬英九一樣介入司法,在「他馬,的」特別費案中,把蔡守訓換下來,馬能全身而退?更要問的是,特偵組有沒有把手伸入政 治?特偵組成立的目的是「查緝黑金」,馬統政府貪官一堆,特偵組閉目不辦,卻偵辦與其職責無關的案件;機密文件與特偵組何關?徒然打出特偵組是扁偵組或綠 偵組的原形而已。 (作者金恒煒為政治評論者)

馬英九說: 中華文化中「善良」與「誠信」的
核心價值已融入臺灣的日常生活 II

五千年永恆的人治和獨裁,  這樣的中華文化很「善良」與「誠信」嗎?
法院如山控告案件完全置之不理 
 (See 台 灣極不公平司法是人民最大公敵) .
媒體和人民這麼不合理, 不合法司法也完全置若罔聞.

這樣的文化, 這樣的人民 很「善良」與「誠信」嗎?

馬英九說: 中華文化中「善良」與「誠信」的
核心價值已融入臺灣的日常生活

事實呢? 中華文化巳經把台灣改造成一個惡魔島:
=====
  1. 自由電子報- 社論集錦- 中華文化部?

    iservice.libertytimes.com.tw/.../news.php?engno... - Translate this page
    1 天前 – 馬英九竟然把台灣的好人好事,也解釋成「都是因為中華文化中『善良』和『誠信』的核心價值,已經融入台灣的日常生活」,而不反思為何那些好人好事 ...
  2. 中華文化部? - 你好台灣社區

    11 小時前 – 馬英九竟然把台灣的好人好事,也解釋成「都是因為中華文化中『善良』和『誠信』的核心價值,已經融入台灣的日常生活」,而不反思為何那些好人好事 ...
  3. 馬演說提韓寒讚台灣人擁中華善良特質| 即時新聞| 20120520 | 蘋果日報

    www.appledaily.com.tw/realtimenews/.../123562 - Translate this page
    4 天前 – 馬演說提韓寒讚台灣人擁中華善良特質 ... 眼鏡行老闆熱心助人的善舉,都是因為中華文化中「善良」與「誠信」的核心價值,已經融入台灣的日常生活。
  4. 蘋果日報-即時新聞| 馬演說提韓寒讚台灣人擁中華善良特質

    www.appledaily.com.tw/mobile/.../20120520 - Translate this page
    4 天前 – 馬並提起名人韓寒在台灣受到的溫暖待遇,認為計程車司機拾金不昧、眼鏡行老闆熱心助人的善舉,都是因為中華文化中「善良」與「誠信」的核心價值 ...
  5. 台灣人的善良誠信來自中華文化?「整個中國社會都是人吃人」!(自由 ...

    blog.udn.com/thegloberover/6484953 - Taiwan - Translate this page
    3 小時前 – 台灣人的善良誠信來自中華文化... 計程車司機拾物不昧、眼鏡行老闆熱心助人,都是因為中華文化核心價值已融入台灣的日常生活」,真是可笑。
  6. 維護國家統一是最有特色的中華文化 - 中評搜索

    www.chinareviewnews.com/crn.../allDetail.jsp?... - Translate this page
    但筆者搜之再三,除找到馬英九所說“台灣人民秉持正直、善良、勤奮、誠信、進取與包容的核心價值,以台灣精神完成改革,打造具有台灣特色的中華文化,是人民共同 ...
  7. 大紀元- 馬英九就職演說:五大支柱打造幸福台灣

    www.epochtimes.com/.../n3592981.htm馬英九就... - Translate this page
    4 天前 – 馬英九更提出文化國力的觀點,強調中華文化中「善良」與「誠信」的核心價值已融入臺灣的日常生活,令許多來台旅客感受到台灣人拾物不昧、熱心 ...
  8. 馬英九就職演說裡的謊言 - 股市討論區

    tw.stock.mb.yahoo.com › 股市討論區 - Translate this page
    2 posts - 1 author - 3 days ago
    英九認為,這些令人動容的善舉,都是因為中華文化中「善良」與「誠信」的核心價值已經融入臺灣的日常生活。 中華文化竟然會有【善良】與【誠信】, ...
  9. 馬英九就職演説裡,最大的謊言是下面這一段- 你好台灣社區

    3 天前 – 英九認為,這些令人動容的善舉,都是因為中華文化中「善良」與「誠信」的核心價值已經融入台灣的日常生活。 什麼時候中華文化有【善良】與【誠信...
  10. 總統讚台灣善良再提韓寒經驗|即時新聞|中時電子報

    news.chinatimes.com/.../11201205200044... - Taiwan - Translate this page
    4 天前 – 總統馬英九今天說,文化不只是藝文、創意與產業,也是人民日常生活。 ... 都是因為中華文化中『善良』與『誠信』的核心價值,已經融入台灣的日常 ...

Friday, May 18, 2012

薄熙来有錢嗎?
比起溫家寶, 江澤民, 胡錦濤, 他是米老鼠

紐約時報: ‘Princelings’ in China Use Family Ties to Gain Riches

SHANGHAI — The Hollywood studio DreamWorks Animation recently announced a bold move to crack China’s tightly protected film industry: a $330 million deal to create a Shanghai animation studio that might one day rival the California shops that turn out hits like “Kung Fu Panda” and “The Incredibles.” 

What DreamWorks did not showcase, however, was one of its newest — and most important — Chinese partners: Jiang Mianheng, the 61-year-old son of Jiang Zemin, the former Communist Party leader and the most powerful political kingmaker of China’s last two decades.
The younger Mr. Jiang’s coups have included ventures with Microsoft and Nokia and oversight of a clutch of state-backed investment vehicles that have major interests in telecommunications, semiconductors and construction projects.
That a dealmaker like Mr. Jiang would be included in an undertaking like that of DreamWorks is almost a given in today’s China. Analysts say this is how the Communist Party shares the spoils, allowing the relatives of senior leaders to cash in on one of the biggest economic booms in history.
As the scandal over Bo Xilai continues to reverberate, the authorities here are eager to paint Mr. Bo, a fallen leader who was one of 25 members of China’s ruling Politburo, as a rogue operator who abused his power, even as his family members accumulated a substantial fortune.
But evidence is mounting that the relatives of other current and former senior officials have also amassed vast wealth, often playing central roles in businesses closely entwined with the state, including those involved in finance, energy, domestic security, telecommunications and entertainment. Many of these so-called princelings also serve as middlemen to a host of global companies and wealthy tycoons eager to do business in China.
“Whenever there is something profitable that emerges in the economy, they’ll be at the front of the queue,” said Minxin Pei, an expert on China’s leadership and professor of government at Claremont McKenna College in California. “They’ve gotten into private equity, state-owned enterprises, natural resources — you name it.”
For example, Wen Yunsong, the son of Prime Minister Wen Jiabao, heads a state-owned company that boasts that it will soon be Asia’s largest satellite communications operator. President Hu Jintao’s son, Hu Haifeng, once managed a state-controlled firm that held a monopoly on security scanners used in China’s airports, shipping ports and subway stations. And in 2006, Feng Shaodong, the son-in-law of Wu Bangguo, the party’s second-ranking official, helped Merrill Lynch win a deal to arrange the $22 billion public listing of the giant state-run bank I.C.B.C., in what became the world’s largest initial public stock offering.
Much of the income earned by families of senior leaders may be entirely legal. But it is all but impossible to distinguish between legitimate and ill-gotten gains because there is no public disclosure of the wealth of officials and their relatives. Conflict-of-interest laws are weak or nonexistent. And the business dealings of the political elite are heavily censored in the state-controlled news media.
The spoils system, for all the efforts to keep a lid on it, poses a fundamental challenge to the legitimacy of the Communist Party. As the state’s business has become increasingly intertwined with a class of families sometimes called the Red Nobility, analysts say the potential exists for a backlash against an increasingly entrenched elite. They also point to the risk that national policies may be subverted by leaders and former leaders, many of whom exert influence long after their retirement, acting to protect their own interests.
Chinese officials and their relatives rarely discuss such a delicate issue publicly. The New York Times made repeated attempts to reach public officials and their relatives for this article, often through their companies. None of those reached agreed to comment on the record.
DreamWorks and Microsoft declined to comment about their relationship with Mr. Jiang. ...

Saturday, May 12, 2012

從薄熙来案看中國的 人治 暴政


中國共產黨隨意變造歷史
Xi Jinping, the vice president who is expected to replace Hu Jintao as the president of China, praised the crackdown and toured a museum exhibition dedicated to the campaign when he visited Chongqing in December 2010, according to a report at the time by Xinhua, the state news agency. The report has since been removed from Xinhua’s Web site.
法學教授替人治辯護
A law professor at Chongqing University, Chen Zhonglin, said the problems of “da hei” had been exaggerated. For one thing, he said, law enforcement officials had brought in lawyers from across China to ensure defendants had proper representation. “I’m not saying there were no problems during the ‘da hei’ campaign,” he said, “but they weren’t as serious as in other places.”

紐約時報: Ex-Official’s Drive in China Leads to Torture Inquiry


Gilles Sabrie for The New York Times
People played cards in Chongqing, China, against a backdrop of propaganda posters including one showing a policewoman. Chinese officials are investigating an anticrime initiative in the city.


CHONGQING, China — Police officers here are being investigated over whether they used torture and other questionable methods to obtain evidence during a so-called anticrime campaign overseen by Bo Xilai, the deposed Chinese leader who for four years ran the party machinery in this fog-shrouded western metropolis. 
The review of police actions was revealed in interviews with a lawyer in Beijing and a person in Chongqing with ties to police officials. It appears to be part of a deeper critical look at Mr. Bo’s reign in Chongqing and could be used to further tarnish his reputation.
The investigation, which has not been previously disclosed, formally began April 25, when Liu Guanglei, a top Chongqing party official in charge of the politics and law committee, said at a gathering of mid- and senior-level police officials that any officer who had tortured suspects during Mr. Bo’s campaign should admit to doing so. Mr. Liu told the group that if an officer were found later to have committed torture but had not been forthcoming, then the officer would be severely punished, according to the person with police ties, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the delicate nature of the scandal surrounding Mr. Bo.
Mr. Bo’s campaign, called “strike black” or “smash the black,” was rolled out in June 2009 to great fanfare and engineered by Wang Lijun, a police officer from northeast China whom Mr. Bo had installed as the police chief here after he became party secretary in late 2007. Mr. Bo and Mr. Wang said the campaign was aimed at destroying crime gangs and their supporters in Chongqing, but critics and some people convicted during that time say the campaign was at least partly a cover to tear down Mr. Bo’s enemies and undermine private entrepreneurs.
But any inquiry into Mr. Bo’s actions before he was removed from his party chief post in Chongqing in March and suspended from the 25-member Politburo in April could become a tricky issue for senior party officials. Though Mr. Bo is being investigated by Beijing for “serious disciplinary violations,” officials looking specifically at the anticrime crackdown must tread carefully because several of China’s top leaders made a trip to Chongqing around the time of the campaign and publicly praised Mr. Bo for his efforts.
Xi Jinping, the vice president who is expected to replace Hu Jintao as the president of China, praised the crackdown and toured a museum exhibition dedicated to the campaign when he visited Chongqing in December 2010, according to a report at the time by Xinhua, the state news agency. The report has since been removed from Xinhua’s Web site.
With Mr. Bo’s purge, some victims of the “strike black” campaign, known as “da hei” in Chinese, have begun speaking publicly about being tortured, denied their rights and forced to endure horrendous prison conditions. Before he was taken into custody, Mr. Bo publicly defended the campaign, and many people here say Chongqing benefited from it. Nearly 4,800 people were arrested over 10 months.
“The gangs were bullying ordinary people,” said Qi Guoping, a resident. “The businesspeople were protecting them and trampling on poor people.”
A law professor at Chongqing University, Chen Zhonglin, said the problems of “da hei” had been exaggerated. For one thing, he said, law enforcement officials had brought in lawyers from across China to ensure defendants had proper representation. “I’m not saying there were no problems during the ‘da hei’ campaign,” he said, “but they weren’t as serious as in other places.”
Mr. Liu, who ordered the police inquiry, had been the police chief before Mr. Bo replaced him with Mr. Wang. Mr. Liu once worked under Mr. Hu, China’s top leader, and was said to be one target of a widespread wiretapping campaign run by Mr. Bo and Mr. Wang.
Some people persecuted during “da hei” were lawyers trying to defend those facing criminal charges. One lawyer in Chongqing who represented Gong Gangmo, a motorbike mogul, has told friends he was detained by the police for 30 days and regularly beaten. The lawyer was recently approached by police officers with a stack of large photographs and asked whether he could identify the policemen who had tortured him, according to the Chongqing resident with police contacts.
Mr. Gong was also represented by Li Zhuang, a Beijing lawyer who was sentenced by a Chongqing court to 18 months in prison for suborning perjury. Mr. Li’s case became a rallying point for liberal Chinese who criticized Mr. Bo for undermining the legal system. Mr. Li said in a telephone interview that he had heard about the warning to police officers who used questionable methods during “da hei,” though there was no sign yet that courts were reopening cases.
“What I can assure you is that unjust cases indeed exist without a doubt, and there are quite a few of them,” Mr. Li said. “Many victims of ‘da hei’ have approached me and want me to help them to seek justice.” Among the victims that Mr. Li has been advising are family members of Li Jun, a real estate mogul who was accused of more than a dozen crimes and was forced to flee China. Thirty-one relatives and colleagues have been jailed. Mr. Li’s wife, Luo Cong, served a one-year sentence for aiding his flight, and his elder brother, Li Xiuwu, was sentenced to 18 years in prison. His nephew is serving 13 years.
Lawyers representing Ms. Luo and Mr. Li have filed appeals in a Chongqing court, according to legal documents.
Many policemen who were not allied with Mr. Wang, the police chief, were also imprisoned during the campaign. Those treated most severely were ones with close ties to Wen Qiang, a former top justice official, who was executed in July 2010 after being convicted of serious corruption. A senior policeman who was released from prison after Mr. Bo’s purge is lobbying for redress and hopes to be reinstated in the police force, a friend of the policeman said. His family had also been detained and persecuted.
“His colleagues are paying a great deal of attention to his case,” the man said.